Category Archives: WW1

World War 1 saw the introduction of aircraft to the battlefield. Initially, crude wood framed canvas covered aircraft were deployed in light reconnaissance roles. However the combat potential of aircraft was quickly realized and military aircraft development bureaus were established to oversee the development of planes designed for attack, fighter, bombing, and reconnaissance roles.

In the beginning, pilots were armed with conventional handheld firearms to take potshots at enemy scout planes. However research and development of heavier armed planes soon saw the introduction of light machine guns and many methods were attempted to find a way for pilots and gunners to accurately aim. After much trial and error with different configurations, it became clear that the easiest solution was to affix weapons directly to the fuselage or wing of the plane, rather than attempt to manually aim weapons independent of in-flight movement of the aircraft.

The earliest crude iterations of this setup included the Morane Saulnier which mounted a machine gun directly on the centerline of the fuselage, directly in front of the pilot for relative ease of aiming. However this presented a problem of the bullets hitting the propeller. Initial crude solutions included mounting reinforced steel armor to the propeller to deflect bullets that struck the propeller.

The introduction of the interrupter gear finally solved this problem by a direct mechanical synchronization between the engine’s rotation and the timing of the gun’s firing. This development meant that more robust armaments could be used without the need for a specialized heavy propeller.

As the war raged on in Europe, the British, French, and the Germans engaged in an air arms race driven by constant experimentation and design fads. Even the slightest edge in speed, armament, or maneuverability could make the difference in air superiority. Pilots’ skills were also constantly put to the test, attempting to push their wood-framed contraptions to the breaking point, often with tragic results.

Junkers J.I

German Empire (1917)

Reconnaissance and Infantry Liaison aircraft: 227 Built

Intro

The Junkers J.I represented a massive leap in aircraft design philosophy, while also being a truly exceptional combat airplane in its own right. Designed to fly close along the frontlines and support infantry operations, the J.I was uniquely capable thanks to its armor plated fuselage and duralumin construction. It was exceptionally durable, able to resist both machine gun fire and weather that kept its wood and canvas contemporaries grounded. As a reconnaissance, supply delivery, and ground harassment aircraft, the Junkers J.I was both the best of its day, and a sign of things to come.

Professor Junkers

Hugo Junkers holds a position of immense importance in aviation, being the creator of the all-metal airplane and the founder of one of history’s most famed airplane firms. Junkers himself was born in February of 1859 in the Rhineland Town of Rheydt, the third of eight children. He would not stay and work at the family textile company after leaving school, instead going on to study at the Universities of Berlin-Charlottenburg, Karlsruhe, and Aachen. He completed his studies in 1888, obtaining a degree as a Baumeister, or factory official, and entered the field of gas engine design in Wilhelm von Oechelhauser’s firm, the Deutsche Continental Gasgesellesschaft. In time, the two of them would go on to found a new joint venture, the Versuchsstation fur Gasmotoren von Oechelhaeuser und Junkers, a laboratory for gas engine development. His work at this laboratory would go on to see him develop the first opposed piston, two stroke engine, calorimeters for testing gasoline, and many smaller domestic appliances from gas stoves to water heaters. It was in 1895 that he founded Junkers and Co. in Dessau to manufacture these appliances, this venture also being the foundation for his later efforts in aviation.

Hugo Junkers circa 1920, following the end of the great war his firm built the first modern airliners. (wikimedia)

In 1897, he would both be made a Professor of Thermodynamics by the University of Aachen, and he would marry his wife Therese Bennhold. At the university, he was made head of the engineering laboratories, and founded his own workshop there to secure a place to continue his experiments. His work there would progress quickly from both his personal drive, and considerable funds from the patent revenue from the products he developed. This combination of experience with metalworking, a secure lab, and his considerable engineering talents, would see Prof. Junkers enter the field of aviation well equipped.

It was in 1910 that his colleague Prof. Hans Reissner would suggest he venture into the field of aviation, and the two would work together at the University of Aachen, building an experimental wind tunnel, and a very early all-metal airplane prototype. As these projects continued, he would go on to move all of his work to his own laboratory in Dessau. At this new lab, Dr. Junkers combined the experimental wind tunnel work from Aachen with his theories on aircraft design, notably, that of all-metal construction.

The Tin Donkey

Prior to the 1920’s the conventional materials and layout for airplane construction was a biplane made from wood, and skinned in fabric, with struts and bracing wires providing the structural support for the wings. Prof. Junkers felt that the inherently high parasite drag of biplanes, combined with the external supports, was a major handicap in aircraft design, and he believed that metal construction would completely revolutionize airplane development. Using a thick, rigid wing that was internally supported, the resultant aircraft would be aerodynamically cleaner, and the internal space within the wing could be used to store fuel or cargo.

His first major effort to build such an aircraft began near the end of 1914, as a privately funded venture with the assistance of the engineers Otto Reuter and Otto Mader. Initially, the project was funded by a large influx of cash from Junkers and Co., but they received Military support by June of 1915, and they were contracted by the Army to produce the new aircraft. Supplied with tooling and material’s from Dr. Junker’s own enterprise, they proceeded, and in four months they had built their plane.

 

The J.1 during its Army test flight. Despite their extremely similar designations the J.1 and J.I are completely different aircraft. (SDASM)

The Junkers J.1 was as revolutionary a design in airplane development as had been seen since the invention of the plane itself. It was a steel mono winged plane, and the first to feature cantilevered wings, which were spar-less and consisted of a steel framework welded to an inner, corrugated skin, over which it was skinned in smooth sheet steel. Aluminum alloys were sought after, but in the end, steel was all that was available. It proved to be an extremely sturdy, but also very heavy aircraft, weighing in at 1010 kg when set for takeoff. Beyond the original benefits Prof. Junkers envisioned for his new planes, the war, and the subsequent mass production of airplanes had shown there were more practical challenges in operating wood and fabric aircraft. As the number of airplanes increased, storage space became a premium, and canvas biplanes cannot be allowed to sit in poor weather lest their wooden frames and canvas skin become warped. Pilots in combat also soon discovered their greatest fear beyond the enemy’s guns, fire, which no matter how minor at first, often became a death sentence to anyone who’s plane began to burn. However, a metal aircraft with a canvas cover can sit in nearly any weather without issue, and a fire aboard such a plane isn’t liable to spread rapidly. A pilot could ditch his plane in most circumstances, saving him from a very grisly end.

The J.1 was taken to Doberitz where it would be tested by the Army, as Dessau lacked a proper airfield. Lt. Theodore von Mallinckrodt of the German Army would be the first to fly it, finding some novelty in a metal aircraft. Much of the test team was critical of the new plane, nicknamed the ‘tin donkey’, feeling that it would be too heavy to fly, and that it was suicide to fly a plane without bracing wires. Unbothered, the lieutenant began with short hops along the ground before the first full flight test in December. It flew well at first, but with harsh vibration being noted once the plane was brought to high speed. The Army team found the flight characteristics acceptable, but found that the wings had compressed the fuselage of the plane. They were also critical of its extremely low climb rate and lackluster turning performance, but all were impressed when the aircraft achieved a speed of 170 km/h in level flight, making it the fastest plane yet built. Even with its modest 120hp straight 6 Mercedes engine, its speed managed to impress ace pilot Oswald Bolcke who had a chance to inspect the aircraft the next year.

As an experimental aircraft, it was an undeniable success, having proven both that an all metal aircraft was well within the material restrictions of the time, and that massive reductions in drag were possible using this construction. The experimental plane was thus followed by a fighter aircraft, the Junkers J.2. Similar to, but far more refined than the ‘tin donkey’, the J.2 was the first all-metal fighter aircraft ever designed, but it was never accepted for service and the Idlfieg lost interest when it was clear certain performance metrics could not be met. As with the J.1, the fighter still used a 120hp engine, and with its smaller wings, it possessed even higher wing loading, as well as the sluggish climb rate of the experimental J.1. A new 160hp Mercedes engine also failed to bring the aircraft up to the necessary performance requirements.

 

The J2 featured some very modern design choices, including an underslung mid fuselage radiator. (Wikimedia)

However, the J.2 was not the only project of that year, as another design featuring new construction methods was also in the workshop through 1916. The Junkers J.3 would never be completed, but it was the first Junkers project to feature the famous corrugated duralumin skin. Given that it was still a fairly soft material, the bends in the skin would give it the necessary strength to not only act as lifting surfaces, but also structurally reinforce the entire structure by taking shear forces. It would also use a new tubular framework for the wings, built up around a set of stronger tubular spars. While this aircraft would never be finished, these new features would be carried over into the firm’s next design, which would prove to be its first major success.

Reconnaissance under fire

By the end of 1916, not only had the war on the Western front grown into a vicious battle for trench lines between an unsurvivable no man’s land, but aircraft had been proven to be an essential means of understanding the depth of this new and horrible form of warfare. Enemy trenches could only be surveyed from high ground, vulnerable to enemy fire, and the build up of forces were completely hidden from their traditional opponent, cavalry. Aerial reconnaissance thus became invaluable in mapping out labyrinthine trenchworks, finding the positions of enemy guns, and observing the movements of the enemy away from the front lines. Two-seater recon planes were adopted, and fighters were later developed to shoot them down and seize control of vital airspace, but through 1916 the offensive use of aircraft began in earnest. While a canvas biplane had no hope of attacking reinforced trench lines, unable to resist machine gun fire, they could attack enemy infantry at the foremost positions or as they moved through no-man’s land.

While Germany had employed ground attack squadrons in early 1916, it was the use of British infantry contact patrols using fighters and two-seaters through the battle of the Somme that spurred them to develop these tactics further. Moreover, they wanted specialized infantry harassment aircraft beyond their unmodified two-seater biplanes. Losses among these units were high, and the Idflieg, or the Inspector of Aviation forces, produced specifications for a specialized Infantry aircraft. This new plane was to be equipped with armor plate which would enclose the pilot, gunner, engine, and fuel stores with a minimum thickness of 5mm. They were also given a low minimum ceiling of 1500 meters, given they were designed for ground attack and low level reconnaissance. To make a note, this series was designated the I-type, but given the older German writing of I, it appeared as a J, and this series has subsequently been noted as the J type ever since.

The Halberstadt CL.II was built for reconnaissance and ground attack, though its wooden construction left it vulnerable to ground fire. (The Great War Channel)

Albatros and AEG both promised armored versions of their successful C.XII and C.IV models respectively, but Junkers approached the specification with a new concept entirely. While he was forced to build a biplane according to the Idflieg’s specifications, he was still granted considerable leeway with the design. Junkers himself would not be as hands on with this project as he had been the J.1 .2 and .3, over its necessity of being a biplane, so instead he elected to put the project in the hands of a team of engineers. The design of the Junkers J 4, would be managed by Dr-Ing Otto Mader, along with teams headed by the engineers Otto Reuter, Hans Steudel, and Franz Brandenburg.

While it was a biplane, the new aircraft still drew from the experiences and design philosophy of previous projects. Its wings featured corrugated duralumin skin over the multi-sparred, tubular duralumin framework and were in a sesquiplane arrangement, with the lower wing being significantly smaller in length and chord than top. They were connected by an inner set of struts, but being self supporting, they needed no bracing wires. Its armor protection was comprehensive, half of the fuselage consisted of an octagonal steel compartment which contained the engine, pilot, gunner, and fuel. Rear of this armored section was a tubular frame which ended with a conventional tail section. Unlike Junkers’ earlier underpowered efforts, this new plane was equipped with a significantly more powerful 200hp Benz B.IVa straight six engine. This model was among the more powerful aviation engines in German service, excluding those built for airships.

The massive Junkers J.I featured heavy armor protection and structurally redundant wings, it was exceptionally resistant to small arms fire. (SDASM)

Three prototypes were ordered on November 3rd 1916, and delivered the following January as J.425/17, 426/17, and 427/17. On the 28th, one prototype with the 200hp Benz IVa was flown by German officer Arved von Schmidt without armor plate for testing. Taking off from snow 20 cm deep, Schmitt took the plane up to 250 meters and reached a speed of 155 km/h, finding that the aircraft was stable, if tail heavy. The demonstration was impressive enough to get an order for 100 planes on February 19, 1917. The Junkers J 4 was thus accepted into service as the Junkers J.I, under the German Air Service’s designation system. Some minor changes before mass production included a redesigned vertical stabilizer, overhung balanced ailerons, and a balanced rudder.

Given that the workshops at Dessau had yet to receive an order for a mass produced aircraft, building the new planes at a fast enough rate proved difficult. There were two major challenges, first was that while Prof. Junkers was a brilliant inventor, he and his firm were fairly inexperienced when it came to aircraft production, and second, given that this was the first mass produced-all metal aircraft, the methods of mass producing an all metal plane would be learned with it. The Army foresaw this becoming an issue and brought in Anthony Fokker, a master in aircraft production, in order to set up an aircraft factory alongside Junker and Co. in Dessau. The new Junkers Fokker Werke AG. was thus established to build a completely new production line for planes, as subcontractors could not be used to build components, as was the case for wooden planes. The arrangement worked well, with Junkers and Co. engaged in the experimental work and providing designs, while JFA handled the job of meeting the production orders, which in total amounted to 350 planes. In spite of the new facilities, bottlenecking, and the loss of one of the armor plate manufacturers to flooding, would restrict the number of planes built to far below this number.

The Flying Tank

The first J.I to see service was the first off the production line, no. 100/17, which was sent to the front in August of 1917 where it served with the Flieger-Abteilug 19. On one of its first missions, the unit commander flew the plane on a low altitude recon mission near Ypres, Belgium, and found that the plane was not only faster and better handling than the Albatros and AEG J types, but that he had received 11 hits to his aircraft, without issue. FA-19 continued to fly the aircraft, and on one occasion on September 23, 100/17 was hit 85 times, without suffering serious damage.

 

By October, the unit had accumulated enough experience to give an account on using the aircraft. In addition to its excellent protection from bullets and shrapnel, the plane could be flown confidently in weather that kept all others grounded, and it had an excellent glide ratio, which meant that in the event of engine failure, a pilot could still glide his plane back over to friendly lines and evade capture. However, it also required a long take off run and it had a higher landing speed than most aircraft. Luckily, these were issues that could be solved by instruction from more experienced pilots, and practice. Overall, the Junkers J.I proved to be an excellent aircraft from the appraisal of FA 19.

After its front line trials with FA 19, the Junkers J.I would begin to be distributed to the Schutzenstaffel, or protection flight units, whose job was to patrol the area between the opposing trench lines. This entailed a variety of missions from escorting two-seater recon aircraft to ground attack missions, with each unit consisting of some sixty seven men and six planes. Up until 1918, this role was filled by more versatile two seater aircraft like the Halberstadt CL.II, but come the winter of 1917, a small number of armored J type planes were entering service with them. This included four Junkers J.Is issued to the Schusta in December of 1917, a number which would grow to sixty by August of the following year, alongside 186 armored planes of other manufacturers. The nature of this change was revealed more fully when the Schusta were redesigned Schlachtstaffel, or attack flights, during the March offensive, as their escort role was dropped.

The Junkers J.I was used as a support aircraft whose role was primarily reconnaissance and infantry liaison work. The rear seat was equipped with a 7.62mm machine gun, and occasionally a 20mm Becker auto cannon in service, but ground attack was a secondary use of the aircraft. Its most important job was to survey areas of the battlefield that were in contention, to take photographs of bottlenecks in the terrain, or send reports of urgent developments directly to divisional HQ’s via wireless telegraph. First and foremost, the mission of J.I crews was to assist in communicating the state of the changing battlefield, an important task as in the spring of 1918 the war was again entering a mobile phase. Likewise, messages were also delivered from the HQ to the frontlines, as the telegraph wires were easily knocked out by artillery fire. Aircraft were directed by signalers, attached to infantry brigades, by the use of flares, lamps, and fabric strips to mark the position of friendly forces and enemy positions. Working with the signallers, the J.I’s crews could deliver messages to forward commanders from their headquarters, as well as supplies, like food and ammunition, to difficult to reach frontline positions.

A J.I crew prepares to drop canned food, water, and bread to a forward unit, an often overlooked task. While supply runners may not have been able to reach certain positions in daylight, crews like these could drop supplies from behind their aircraft’s armor plate. (SDASM)

In an offensive role, the most powerful tool accorded to the plane was its radio, which could be used to direct artillery, and could also be used to direct the plane to tenuous areas of the frontline to render support directly. While it was typically the job of the Schlachtstaffel to render support near friendly forces, and harass traffic behind the enemy lines, the lack of a bomb load and a standardized forward gun arrangement meant the offensive capabilities of the Junkers J.I were quite limited. The observer/gunner could engage using the mounted machine gun, but they were totally overshadowed by the lighter, unarmored two-seaters, which carried nose mounted guns and could be fitted with bomb racks.

In service, crews rendered excellent service with these aircraft, and many swore by them. One Lieutenant Wagner of Flieger Abteilung 268 flew a mission on March 28th, at an altitude of 80m over the front. During the mission, his observer was wounded, and his own helmet was shot through, but his plane, No. 128 received over 100 hits which did nothing to impede it. The Leutenant was amazed by this, as he’d overflown the enemy trenches, something that would have been suicidal in nearly any other aircraft. These encounters were fairly frequent, as one of the main tasks of the Junkers J.I units was to overfly the enemy trenches and locate the position and size of enemy reserves.

 

Ground crew maneuver a J.I in a photo for publication. (Wingnut Wings)

The Junkers J.I was considered totally unsuitable in aerial combat, given its low speed and ponderous maneuverability. Though, there is one known encounter between an American fighter and a Junkers J.I, which might very well be the only air engagement with the rare armored scout. Major Charles Biddle of the USAS 103rd Squadron, was flying his Spad XIII on May 15, 1918. While returning towards his side of the lines, after a weapon malfunction ruined an interception of a German recon plane, he encountered a ‘peculiar two seater’. Coming down to take a look, it lacked the hallmarks of most German planes of its type, but its unmistakable crosses marked it as an enemy plane. He also noted its extremely low speed, calling it ‘the slowest bus you ever saw’ and remarked he made two miles for its one. The Major dove on the plane and took up position fifty yards below its tail, then he made a mistake. He pulled up to take a shot at the Junkers, but he had misjudged the distance and ended up in the propeller wash of the German two-seater, shaking his aircraft and throwing off his aim. He dove to escape the view of the enemy gunner, but now was underneath his target. The German pilot then began to turn to bring the Spad into view of his gunner, and after several swerves to try to shake the American from beneath his plane, he succeeded. Now out of the Junker’s blind spot, Major Biddle was now the target of the gunner who, and in the words of the Major himself found himself in the crosshairs of “some of the quickest and most accurate bit of shooting that I had come up against”. The shot put a hole through the Spad’s radial engine and into Biddle’s left leg above the knee. He dove, to escape the gunner and head for friendly lines, wounded and with his engine failing. He landed in a field of shell craters, his plane turning over, in a fortunately escapable wreck. Major Biddle was likely the opponent of pilot Feldwebel Ernst Schafer, and Lieutenant Wilhelm Paul Schriber of Flieger Abteilung (A) 221, who subsequently overflew the plane and took photographs of their victory.

Construction

The all metal Junkers J.I used duralumin and steel for nearly everything but the engine braces and rear fuselage skin. (Peter M. Bowers via Fredrick Johnson)

The Junkers J.I was an all metal aircraft built from nickel-steel and duralumin. The forward fuselage was an octagonal compartment built from steel with an armor thickness of 5mm, though late production aircraft used a thickness of 3.5mm for their sides, and 6mm for the rear. The armor was impervious to small arms fire, and enabled the aircraft to overfly enemy trench lines at low altitude. The entire forward fuselage was built up around four large duralumin longerons, and joined to the rearward section, which had a tubular construction. The rear section was skinned with fabric, though the tail section was of duralumin construction with the rudder initially being fabric skinned, before it too was changed to corrugated duralumin later in production. Some very late examples of this aircraft had a corrugated aluminum skin over the rear fuselage, though these do not seem to have been delivered to the Army. The fuselage was joined to the wings by a series of steel tubes covered with protective aluminum fairings, and sat atop the lower wing. The undercarriage of the aircraft featured a conventional construction of two vees, connected to the axle through a shock absorber. The axel was a steel tube 9ft long, with it and the other structural elements being covered by aluminum fairings. The tail skid was of a simple wood construction.

 

The armored fuselage was manufactured at the Dillinger Panzerwerk from high tempered steel. (Flight)

The aircraft had a sesquiplane wing configuration with the upper wing having a span approximately 38% longer than the lower. The fine details are disputed, but the upper wing had a span of some 16m and a chord of 2.50/2.25m, the lower a span of some 6m and a chord of 1.50/1.08. The upper wing had a set of balanced, hanging ailerons. Both the upper and lower wings were built in three sections, consisting of an inner panel which was attached via steel tube struts to the fuselage, and two outer panels. The wings were built around multiple tubular spars made from 40mm tubular duralumin, with the upper wing possessing ten, the lower only five. These spars ran the length of the wing and were connected to a number of steel brackets which connected them to a framework of smaller tubes, which joined the spars and stiffened the wing. This design gave the wing both incredible strength, which needed no structural struts or bracing wires, and was extremely resilient to gun fire, as only when many of the brackets or spars were damaged would the wing become compromised. The wings were skinned in .3mm duralumin sheets which were corrugated to strengthen them, as the duralumin alloy was very soft, and was used as a structural element of the wing which bore shear forces. One aircraft, no. 749/18, was equipped with long span upper wings to lower the take off run of the aircraft, the modification did not make it into production.

 

The upper wing had ten tubular spars, not counting the aileron rod, and damage to any one of them was mitigated by others and the web of brackets through the wing. (Flight)

The control system of the aircraft also represented another departure from the conventional methods, eschewing the traditional wire control system for a more resilient push-rod system. The control systems were a duralumin stick and foot pedals for the rudders. The ailerons spanned the entirety of the outer wing panels and were connected to an aileron tube which ran parallel with the structural spars, which was articulated by linkages to the central control stick. The elevators had exterior stranded wires, which were articulated by the push rod system within the fuselage of the aircraft. The rudder operated much the same way. The cockpit furnishings were basic and the instrumentation consisted of a tachometer and fuel gauge, with a compass mounted on the wing.

The Junkers J.I was equipped with a 200 hp straight 6, Benz IVa engine. The similar 230 hp model had a dry weight of 370kg, a bore of 145mm, a stroke of 190mm, and a compression ratio of 4.91:1. It measured 1,990mm long, had a width of 530mm, and was 1150mm tall. It was water cooled, with the radiator mounted above the engine along the upper wing, its slats controlled by means of a lever above the cockpit. The fuel tank was a 98 liter seat-tank which took the place of the pilot’s typically wicker chair. It was made of sheet brass and had a channel through the back for the control rods for the tail section of the aircraft. It was divided into two sections so that a single bullet hole wouldn’t drain the entire tank. A pump drew fuel from this tank and delivered it to the gravity feed tank in the upper wing, if the pump broke the system could be driven by hand. A 38 liter oil tank was located behind the instrument panel. The engine was fitted with a 2.9m wooden propeller with a pitch of 1.9m. They were manufactured by Axial-Propeller Werke of Berlin and were issued with prop-spinners. The engine bay had two articulated panels which swung rearward to allow easy access to the Benz IVa engine, which was mounted atop two wooden engine bearers made from solid ash.

 

A Telefunken radio set, amplifier, and assorted gear. (stone vintage radio)

The plane could carry a variety of equipment for its missions, though these were mostly commonly a camera, and a wireless telegraph set. The observer, who was also the commander of the aircraft, operated both of these. The camera was a separate piece of equipment carried into and out of the aircraft by the observer and set within a built-in mount. This was set in the fuselage behind the armored section and accessible through a sliding sheet metal panel. The telegraph set was installed within the armored fuselage. Built by Telefunken, the W.T. was standardized across the service. It consisted of a sturdy, protected case and a 37 m aerial, with the alternative Huth made transmitter having a 38 m length.

In regular service, the aircraft carried no forward mounting weapons and carried only a rear mounted gun within a swivel mount, which was set within a turning wheel around the observer’s seat. This allowed him to traverse the gun 180 degrees and take aim at targets above and below the aircraft. This was a largely defensive weapon, but could also be used in a limited anti-infantry role. The gun was either a parabellum MG 14 or, more rarely, a Becker 20 mm autocannon.

 

An observer with an MG 14. Like the British Vickers gun, it was a redesigned Maxim variant that reduced the size of the weapon significantly. (airwar.ru)

The MG 14 was a 7.62mm machine gun derived from the common MG 08 in service with the German army. However, it was much more compact as the toggle-lock mechanism was reversed to a downwards action, it used an internal spring, and the ejection system was made to drop casings out the bottom of the receiver rather than the front. The result was that the receiver was narrower and slimmer compared to the more cumbersome infantry machine gun. They were also equipped with a buttsock and pistol grip, with some examples being equipped with an Oigee magnified reflector gunsight. The water cooling system was not used, and the jacket was perforated to reduce weight. The gun was fed from a cloth ammunition belt which was spooled within a metal drum, with one carried on the weapon and two in reserve. It had an adjustable rate of fire between 600-700 rounds per minute. An experimental armament of two fixed, downward facing machine guns for trench strafing was installed on one aircraft, but was not used in service.

A very advanced weapon for its day, the Becker autocannon would go on to influence the development of the 20mm Oerlikon gun. (mnemonic-shapeways)

The 2cm Becker autocannon was a powerful, if cumbersome weapon. It operated on API blowback and was loaded with ten and fifteen round box magazines. Ammunition loads could consist of solid shot or high explosive shells, which could prove absolutely devastating against canvas biplanes and effective at harassing infantry. It did however have a relatively low muzzle velocity of 490m/s and a slow rate of fire, between 250 and 300 rpm, depending on the manufacturer. These were installed aboard a few Junkers J.Is, but the machine gun armament was far more common.

Each plane came with a repair kit for surface damage and the following spare parts: 1 undercarriage axle, 2 spare wheels without tires, 1 tail skid with spring, 1 complete set of structural struts and associated connecting parts, 2 trestles, 1 lifting jack, 1 set of tools, and riveting materials.

Flying and Servicing

The Junkers J.I was a ponderous, but steady aircraft to fly. Its top speed was decent for a two-seater, at 145 km/h, but its climb rate was extremely low. It took 77 minutes to reach 3km, though in service it typically operated below 1km, which only took 12 minutes to reach. Coupled with its wide turning circle, the plane earned itself nicknames like the flying ‘Tank’ or ‘Mobelwagen’, or translated, moving van. Given its low speed, it was typically given escorts. Its controls were responsive, though were different enough from its contemporaries to need some practice getting used to. The stick for instance could become shaky and uncomfortable to use if inputs were harsh and jerky. Its landing speed was also notably high, and it required a longer run for take off and landing, preferably made on compacted ground. These issues aside, most pilots were fairly confident in the aircraft, and when flown it was a very stable, especially in the wind and rain, which kept everything else grounded.

 

The Junkers J.I was often a difficult adjustment for pilots, though its stable handling characteristics and robust construction made for a safe re-learning period. (Wingnut Wings)

Crewmen were also very appreciative of the incredible amount of protection the aircraft afforded, allowing missions that would have otherwise been considered suicidal to be completed with a high level of confidence. Not only were all of the critical components of the aircraft all located within a nearly impervious armored compartment, but the wings were extremely durable and unlikely to fail even when struck continuously by machine gun fire. Perhaps best of all, the risk of fire damage was extremely low, and the fire resistant construction would give the pilot time to set the plane down. When all else did fail, and the engine gave out, the aircraft had a good glide ratio, and despite its weight, it could travel some distance without power, allowing the crew to cross back to friendly lines, or look for a safe place to ditch. Overall, the Junkers J.I was in all likelihood, the most durable aircraft to see action during the Great War, and certainly the best of the armored J type aircraft in service with the German Luftstreitkrafte. In the end, only one confirmed combat loss was noted in over its one year of service, performing one of the most dangerous missions.

 

A high landing speed and a need for compact ground meant that numerous J.I’s that  were taken out of action in accidents like these. Few were serious and the planes were typically sent back to depots for repair. (Wingnut Wings)

Its metal construction also gave a number of advantages in the field. Most convenient of all was the fact that it could be stored outside in bad weather. While wood and canvas could not be allowed to stay wet and needed shelter from the rain, a Junkers J.I only needed to have its engine and crew compartments covered. The plane was also designed from the outset to be easily transportable, the wings, tail section, and struts could be easily decoupled and placed alongside the fuselage, allowing it to easily fit in a railcar or trailer. The lack of bracing wires made this easy, and also removed a great deal of the maintenance work. Basic repair tasks were fairly simple, and every plane came with a patching kit that made combat repairs easy, but specialized training was needed for larger components. Extensive repairs usually required the planes to be sent to depots where specialists could work on them, and was usually done in the case of extensive damage to the wings or fuselage. Larger single-piece components, like the struts, were simply replaced with spares if damaged.

Conclusion

The Junkers J.I proved to be a pivotal design in airplane development, as it not only introduced to the world a mass produced all-metal plane, but it also incorporated so many other innovations, such as its cantilevered wings and use of corrugated duralumin. They would provide a practically indestructible plane to what would have been very vulnerable crews, and in the years to come, these features would put Junkers well ahead in the civil air industry.

Junkers J.I
Engine Benz BIVa
Engine Maximum Output 200hp
Empty Weight 1766kg
Combat Load 410kg
Maximum Speed 155 m/h
Combat Ceiling 3km (operational)
Armament 1xMG 14 or 1 x 2 cm Becker Autocannon
Crew 1x observer 1x pilot
Length 9.20m
Height 3.45m
Wingspan 16m
Wing Area 50.84m

Illustrations

J.100/17 was the first to enter service with the Army testing it in frontline use in the Autumn of 1917.
As the Junkers armored planes began to enter more widespread service, crews began to fashion their own camouflage schemes. Mauve stripes became a fairly common pattern among these aircraft. Flieger-Abteilung 17, 1918.
Late production aircraft had their fabric skinned vertical stabilizers and tail sections replaced with duralumin sheeting. The fabric sections of the aircraft often went unpainted, and left in the dyed lozenge camo patterns it was delivered with. Unknown unit, based at Villiers de Chevres, 1918.

Credits

Written and edited by Henry H.

Illustrated by Arte Belico

Sources

Primary:

Instruction Manual for Junk. J. I Armored Biplane. Junkers-Fokker-Werke A.G. Dessau. Translated and reproduced in Flight The Aircraft Engineer & Airships Vol. 12. 1920.

Report on the Junker (sic) Armoured Two Seater Biplane, Type J.1*. Ministry of Munitions. Reproduced in Flight The Aircraft Engineer & Airships Vol. 12. 1920.

Secondary:

Junkers Aircraft of WWI Vol 1 Junkers J.1-J.4. Owens, Colin A. Aeronaut Books. 2018.

Junkers J.I. Grosz PM. Albatros Productions. 1993.

Junkers 52 A History 1930-1945. Forsyth, Robert & Creek, Eddie J. Crecy Publishing 2014.

German Observer’s Guns. Woodman, Harry. Albatros Productions 2001.

German Air Forces 1914-1918. Sumner, Ian. Osprey Publishing Ltd. 2005.

AGO S.I

German Empire (1918)

Armored Ground Attack Aircraft [2 Built]

One of the two AGO S.I, this would be one of the first dedicated “tank busting” aircraft built. (Otto, AGO and BFW Aircraft of WWI)

The AGO S.I was an armored, heavily armed ground attack aircraft designed to fill the requirement for the German Luftstreitkräfte  their S type plane; a dedicated anti-tank ground attack aircraft. Before the end of the war, two of the type were produced, but the war would end before production could begin, nor did the prototypes see service. The aircraft featured a downward facing 20mm Becker cannon which it would use against the thinly armored roofs of tanks.

Tank Troubles and the Search for a Solution

The introduction of the tank in 1916 was a turning point for all modern warfare. The use of the machines to break through barbed wire and enemy trench lines proved itself effective, and as the war dragged on, the number of tanks increased year over year. Germany would use infantry based special weapons such as armor piercing K-bullets in rifles and machine guns, the heavy Tankgewehr m1918 rifle, or artillery bombardment to stop the metal monsters. The Germans would show hesitation in producing their own tanks due to resistance from the German High Command and a lack of industry to produce them in large numbers, but would eventually do so with the Sturmpanzerwagen A7V. The type however, would prove to be riddled with flaws that rendered it able to do little to counter the allied tank numbers. In addition, the A7V would only arrive in 1918, the last year of the war.

A 20mm Becker cannon mounted to the side of an Albatros J.I armored aircraft. This weapon would begin being carried by aircraft late in the war, and was required to be mounted on the S type aircraft. The Becker is known for being the basis of the famous 20mm Oerlikon cannon. (Albatros Aircraft of WWI Volume 3)

Aircraft were never used in a major role to destroy tanks during the war, but the two would encounter each other nonetheless, with German aircraft able to score several victories against them. There seemed to be little interest by the Idflieg in developing aircraft or aerial weapons to be deployed specifically against tanks for the majority of the war, until around the start of 1918. The Idflieg would designate a new type of aircraft, the S type, for a dedicated aircraft meant for ground attack and destroying tanks. The S type anti-tank aircraft was meant to be an armored aircraft with a requirement to mount the 20mm Becker automatic cannon. Armored aircraft themselves weren’t something new within the German Empire, as they were categorized under the J type. These were dedicated armored aircraft and were in use operationally by this point of the war. Some examples included the AEG J.I and Junkers J.I. The Becker Cannon was also in production and had been mounted on various aircraft by this time, mostly by twin engined G types but there were ongoing developments to put the weapon onto a single engine aircraft. The Albatros J.I was one such aircraft and a number would have the cannon mounted on a pintle on the side of the craft, but crews found the weapon placement and pintle mount made the weapon hard to operate and aim. Eventually it was found that this weapon could be most effectively mounted on a single engine aircraft by being placed at an angle inside the hull to fire downward towards the ground. The cannon would be placed this way on the new S types, where it could fire at the thin roofs of tanks. One would think that manufacturers familiar with designing armored aircraft would rise to the occasion, such as Junkers who were at the forefront of developing metal skinned aircraft, or AEG who were producing operational armored aircraft, but surprisingly, it was the the smaller company of AGO that proceeded with developing the only an S type aircraft, and complete it.

The AGO S.I

An example of an AGO C.IV. While this aircraft was AGO’s most produced, it was not liked by its crews due to flight handling and issues with the fuselage. (Otto, AGO and BFW Aircraft of WWI)

AGO Flugzeugwerke was a smaller aircraft manufacturing company in Germany that had found moderate success with its two-seater C type aircraft. The company was known for its C.I, which was the only mass produced single-engine pusher aircraft deployed by Germany in the war, and later, by the C.IV, its most successful aircraft. The C.IV was their most produced aircraft during the war, and the fastest C type at the time of its introduction thanks to its tapered wings, with over 70 being used operationally. Its moderate success however, was overshadowed by a hatred of it by its crews due to issues with its handling and problems arising with the constriction of the fuselage. This disdain for the aircraft would eventually lead to it being removed from service and its production being canceled around September of 1917. Despite this, the company had continued developing their C type aircraft line until 1916. While the S type was a two seater, AGO appears to have no experience with developing an armored aircraft, as all of their previous aircraft were of simple wooden and fabric construction. Development on their own S.I likely began around the time of the creation of the S nomenclature. A patent for the aircraft’s design was filed in July of 1918, showcasing how it’s seating and armor were laid out for the pilot and gunner. Details regarding its development are extremely lacking but it is known that two S.I aircraft were completed by October of 1918. The design was a rather large single-engine aircraft with a boxy fuselage, a consequence of its armor layout. The Becker cannon is known to have never been mounted on the aircraft but accommodations in the design were made, most apparent is the lack of an axle between the wheels. This was done to allow the hull mounted cannon to fire unobstructed. Despite this being done for the cannon, the removal of the axle was almost unseen in this era of aircraft and would become a standard design aspect in the postwar years as aircraft design streamlined. Due to its completion so close to the war’s end, it rarely flew and its performance went undocumented. All development of this aircraft was abruptly brought to a halt a month after the two aircraft were completed due to the war’s end on November 11th. With the signing of the Armistice, all combat aircraft were ordered to be destroyed or transferred, and this is without a doubt the former is the fate the two S.Is met. No further development of the type was allowed after this. The S.I was the last aircraft project AGO would work on before the end of the war.

 

Direct frontal view of the AGO S.I (Otto, AGO and BFW Aircraft of WWI)

Design

The AGO S.I was a conventional biplane designed to fill the role for the S type aircraft. While its specifications aren’t known, the size of the aircraft is evident in the photos that exist that the aircraft was quite large for a single engine aircraft. The fuselage was armored, evident via the angled shape of it. This was done to protect the aircraft in its low level attack runs on the enemy, and would offer protection against small arms fire. According to the patent, the armor was focused in the nose section, surrounding the engine, pilot and gunner positions. An armored plate separated the pilot and gunner’s positions at an angle to accommodate the 20mm cannon. The rear of the fuselage tapered into the tailplane. The two bay wings of the aircraft were large and rectangular in shape. Each bay had two wires going across. Control surfaces of the aircraft were standard, with a large rudder at the back, conventional elevators, and ailerons on the upper wing. At the front was a 260hp (194kW ) Basse und Selve BuS.IV 6-cylinder inline engine that drove a wooden two-blade propeller. This type of engine was often found on larger G type aircraft but the S.I likely had them to bring the heavily armored aircraft into the air. The aircraft would have a fixed landing gear located beneath around where the pilot sat. The aircraft had the unique distinction of having no axle, a feature virtually unseen in aircraft of the era. This was done to allow the hull mounted cannon to fire without having the axle obstructing it. For the extra support, three struts connected each landing gear to the aircraft. Each landing gear had one rubber wheel. At the tail end of the aircraft was a landing skid.

The patent for the armor and gun position in the S.I (Otto, AGO and BFW Aircraft of WWI)

For its armament, the Ago S.I was to have two machine guns; one mounted in the rear for the gunner to use on a flexible mount to fire around the aircraft, and another was likely to be mounted forward for the pilot to use at the front. The centerpiece of the armament was a 20mm Becker Cannon. The cannon would be mounted in the center of the fuselage, directly underneath where the pilot would sit. To fire the gun, the gunner would sit down into the fuselage at a dedicated firing seat in the hull. From here he could operate the weapon and aim at tanks beneath the aircraft.

Conclusion

The AGO S.I was developed too late to see combat and with its performance being unknown its would-be impact on enemy tanks is likewise unknown. Despite this, it represents one of the very first instances of an aircraft built with the destruction of enemy armor in mind, a role that would continue to develop into the Second World War, with aircraft like the Henschel Hs 129, Ilyushin Il-2, and further even until today with the Fairchild A-10 Thunderbolt II.

Interestingly, a month before the two S.Is were completed, 20 of the aforementioned AEG J.II armored aircraft would be delivered with the Becker Cannon mounted in their hull similar to how it would be in the S.I for use against tanks. It is not known whether these aircraft saw combat or how they performed with the modifications.

Although the effectiveness of tank busting aircraft of WW2 has been debated in recent years, the AGO S.I would have several benefits going for it during the First World War. The tanks of this era were slow, and the Mark V tanks the S.I would no doubt encounter would have a top speed of 5mph, making the tanks a fairly easy target for S types. The Mark V also had considerably less armor then later tanks, with a meager 8mm of armor plate for the roofs, making these vehicles easier to damage if the aircraft’s gunner managed to hit it. However, being able to hit tanks was still quite a difficult task to accomplish, and with performance figures not currently being known for the S.I, it can only be debated as to how well it would perform its role.

After being shut down in 1919, AGO Flugzeugwerke would be brought back by the Nazi Government and would produce aircraft once more. The AGO Ao 192 seen here is one of the few original products the company would produce.

AGO Flugzeugwerke would only survive for less then a year after the First World War, its founder attempting to instead shift their production into automobiles, but they would not find success and would close the production facilities down. Despite this, two decades later the Nazi government would reconstitute AGO for aircraft production once more in 1934, and would bring the company back to life. They would mostly produce aircraft from other companies in preparation for the encroaching war, but AGO would have their own design bureau and would work on a select number of their own designs, like the AGO Ao 192 twin engine transport plane.

Variants

 

  • AGO S.I – Armored two-bay biplane design with an armored fuselage and a focus on attacking enemy armor. It was equipped with 2x machineguns and 1 20mm Becker Cannon. 2 built

 

Operators

 

  • German Empire – The AGO S.I was meant to serve the Reichsluftkreite in a ground attack & tank destroying role but arrived too late to see service in the war.

AGO S.I Specifications

Engine 1x 260 hp ( 194kW ) Basse und Selve BuS.IV 6-cylinder inline engine
Propeller 1x 2-blade wooden propeller
Crew 1 Pilot

1 Gunner

Armament
  • 1x 20mm Becker Cannon
  • 2x machine guns (1 forward, 1 rear mounted)

Gallery

Sources

Herris, Jack. Otto, AGO, and BFW Aircraft of WWI: A. 2019.

Weird Wings of WWI: Adventures in Early Combat Aircraft Development. 2023.

Herris, Jack. Development of German Warplanes in WWI: A Centennial Perspective on Great War Airplanes and Seaplanes. 2012.

B. David, Sturmpanzerwagen A7V.https://tanks-encyclopedia.com/ww1/germany/sturmpanzerwagen_a7v.php

Stiltzkin. Effectiveness of Tactical Air Strikes in World War II – “Tank busting”. https://tanks-encyclopedia.com/articles/tactics/tank-busting-ww2.php

 

Sopwith T.F.2 Salamander

United Kingdom (1918)

Ground Attack Aircraft [300-500+ Built]

A frontal view of a production Sopwith Salamander. The entire front section of this aircraft was armored. (Wikipedia)

The Sopwith Salamander was a dedicated ground attack aircraft, at this point known as a trench fighter, designed for use by the Royal Air Force in the First World War. The Salamander was based off of the Sopwith Snipe fighter and reused many components, but was much more armed and armored. Only a few Salamanders would be assigned to squadrons for testing during the war and none would see frontline combat. After the war, the Salamander was in service with squadrons in British territory until at least 1922. The aircraft was interesting as, in addition to its other modifications, it would be one of the first aircraft to be officially painted by the RAF in camouflage, most likely being the first in RAF aircraft to do so.

The Trench Fighter: Birth of the Ground Attacker

Rear view of the T.F.1 Camel. This was Sopwith’s first attempt at a dedicated Trench Fighter before the Salamander. (Sopwith Aircraft from 1912-1920)

Late into the First World War, the British Royal Air Force began using single-engine fighters to deliberately attack enemy trenches. This was seen at the Battle of Ypres and Cambrai in 1917. Oftentimes, the types used for this role could not perform well enough to dogfight or had some other glaring issue that prevented them from seeing widespread service. Although not their original purpose, these “Trench Fighters” were the first evolutionary step to creating what is now known as dedicated ground attack and close air support aircraft. The Sopwith Aviation Company began experimenting with dedicated, purpose-built trench fighters in 1918. The first of these was a derivative design based on their famous Sopwith Camel fighter. The T.F.1 Camel, TF standing for Trench Fighter, was a modified Sopwith F.1 Camel that had additional armor and was to be used to strafe trenches with a machine gun or bombs. Despite work being done on the T.F.1, it was only considered as a test for a trench fighting aircraft and was never meant to enter service nor production.

Instead, the Royal Air Force was looking for an aircraft with a more powerful engine, which the Camel airframe could not accommodate. Sopwith looked instead to their recently developed Snipe fighter. The Sopwith Snipe aircraft had been designed in late 1917 as a successor to the esteemed Sopwith Camel. It would not enter widespread service until September of 1918 and would only see combat for three months before the end of the war. Despite its short combat service, the Snipe proved itself as one of the most advanced fighters of the time, thanks to its powerful engine and excellent maneuverability. All of this had yet to be proven, however, when the trench fighter derivative design was being drawn up, as the Snipe had only just started testing in late 1917.

Official work began on the trench fighter Snipe in January of 1918. This machine was seen to have several advantages over the TF1. The newer design of the Snipe proved to be much more agile and it was able to carry the powerful 230 hp Bentley BR2 rotary engine. There were three factors that sought to specialize the design of this new aircraft; engine, armor and armament. A rotary engine was favored over an inline on the aircraft because an armored cowling could easily fit over the engine and was thus less likely to be hit from ground fire. For armament, it was planned to have a single forward facing Vickers machine gun with two more in a downward firing position, akin to the armament of the TF1. This idea was ultimately scrapped and two forward facing Vickers were chosen instead, like the armament on the Snipe. Relating to the armor, the front section of the fuselage was made to be a heavily armored box that would protect the pilot and engine from enemy fire. It was optimistically thought only three things would be able to shoot this new aircraft down; a direct hit from anti-air artillery, damage to the flying wires or heavily damaging the main spar. Three prototypes of the new trench fighter aircraft began construction in late January 1918. The first of these would be airworthy and ready in April. By now, the aircraft had received an official name; the Sopwith T.F.2 Salamander.

An example of a production Sopwith Snipe. This would be one of the best aircraft the RAF would field in the later stages of the First World War, and is the aircraft the Salamander would be based on. (Pilots and Planes)

Design

A cockpit view of the aircraft. (Imperial War Museum)

The Sopwith T.F.2 Salamander was an early ground attack aircraft based on the Sopwith Snipe fighter. The two aircraft shared many components, but the Salamander would have a number of features that would make its design unique. It had a wingspan of 19ft 6in (9.5 m). The wings were of two bay construction and consisted of a frame covered in canvas. The fuselage was of all wooden construction and covered in fabric, like the Snipe. It had a length of 19ft 6in (5.9 m). In total, the aircraft had a height of 9ft 4in (2.8 m). The sides of the fuselage were flat, being a change from the rounder fuselage of the Snipe.

In the front of the aircraft would sit the 230-hp Bentley B.R.2 air-cooled radial engine. The eleven-cylinder Clerget 11E engine was an alternative to the Bentley, but no Salamander would be equipped with this engine. The engine and cockpit section of the aircraft would sit in an armored box that would protect its most vital assets. The armored box was 8 mm thick in the front (the armor over the engine and the engine itself also factored in as frontal protection), 6 mm for the sides, 11 mm for the floor, and 10-gauge sheet metal with an additional 6-gauge sheet at the rear. In addition to the armored box, the engine would have an armored cowling over it. The aircraft had around 650 Ibs of armor in total. The sheer amount of armor was meant to protect the aircraft from German anti-armor rounds fired from short range, something it would no doubt deal with at the frontlines.

The controls and cockpit were likely carried over from the Snipe. Behind the cockpit was an armored head fairing that was not present on the Snipe. This detail is a distinct visual difference that one can use to identify the Salamander over the Snipe. Beneath the cockpit was the undercarriage and landing gear. During testing, it was found the armor made the aircraft quite hard to land, and the landing gear was further reinforced during development to assist in this area. The fuselage would taper towards the rear and tailplane. Beneath the tail was a simple landing skid. The tail and rudder were small at first on the prototype Salamanders, like on earlier Snipes, but this would be replaced by a larger rudder and tailfin on the production versions. At first, the tailplane was rigged via wires but this was replaced by four steel tubes connecting at the top and bottom.

A view of the armored front section of the aircraft. (Weapons and Warfare)

For fuel, the Salamander would carry less than the Snipe to accommodate the extra weight of the armor. The fuel delivery system was composed of a Badin vacuum-feed system with a Weyman hand pump connected to the main petrol tank for standby use. The fuel delivery system was protected with armor and rubber along the piping to prevent leaks or fire. In addition to the main petrol tank, there was an oil and gravity tank connected via piping.

The armament of the Salamander went through a number of iterations before its final layout. Originally, the aircraft was going to have a single forward facing Lewis machine gun, with two more facing downwards into the hull, but this was replaced by two synchronized Vickers guns that were staggered to house more ammunition (1000 rounds each). There exist other known layouts pf the Salamander but it is unknown if any of these were tested at any point. These included eight downward firing guns in one layout and two downward facing Lewis guns with two more over the center (in addition to the standard two Vickers). No photos of these two layouts exist. For special missions, the Salamander could carry up to four 20 Ib (9 kg) bombs or a single 112 Ib (51 kg) bomb.

A direct frontal view of the Sopwith Salamander. (Wikipedia)

The Sopwith Salamander: World War Woes

Rear view of the 3rd prototype Salamander. This example has the early rudder. Unfortunately this particular aircraft would be lost in a crash. (Pilots and Planes)

The Salamander would have its first flight on April 27th at Brooklands. The prototype Salamander, E5429, shared the wing mainplane, ailerons and tail control surfaces with the early model Snipe, but these would be improved later on the production models. The improvements were the same as done on the Snipe, which included increasing the size of the rudder. On May 9th, the first Salamander prototype was sent to France for service testing. There is a strange overlap in information with the prototype. Some sources claim that it returned to England on June 30th for further testing at Martlesham Heath, but others claim the prototype was lost to a crash in France on May 19th. Perhaps this was confused with the 3rd prototype, which did crash at a later unknown date. By this point, the other two prototypes were completed (E5430 and E5431). Testing found that the aircraft performed well, but problems appeared with the controls, which were found to be sluggish due to the extra armor.

The Salamander did have its fair share of critics, with several pilots being harsh towards the slower controls of the aircraft and some even finding the concept of an armored aircraft a waste of resources. Many of those who were strong critics of the aircraft criticized it as they did conventional fighters of the time, glossing over its specialized role of ground attack and arguing its armor would make it sluggish in a dogfight, when the aircraft was never intended to operate as a dogfighter. Originally, a plan for 6 prototypes was made but the last 3 were canceled. The 3rd prototype would stagger its machine guns to accommodate the increased amount of ammunition the Salamander had over the Snipe. This change would be present on all Salamanders going forward. With the aircraft performing well in testing, an initial order of 500 aircraft was requested in the early summer months of 1918. Sopwith would begin building production Salamanders at their factories, being constructed alongside the Snipe. In addition to Sopwith, several other aircraft manufacturers would begin constructing Salamanders as well; Air Navigation Co Ltd, National Aircraft Factory No.1, Palladium Autocars Ltd, Glendower Aircraft Co Ltd and Wolseley Motors Ltd. The production versions differed from the prototype Salamanders, having the larger tail fin and rudder as well as the ailerons from the production Snipes being fitted, as well as the staggered machine guns from the 3rd prototype.

A production line at a Sopwith factory where both Salamanders and Snipes are under construction. The first row are incomplete Salamanders. (Armament of British Aircraft)

As the year went on, production for the Salamander increased, as the order jumped from from 500, to 600 to 1400 by the war’s end. Producing the Salamander was found to be more difficult than the Snipe, thanks to its complicated wiring due to the extra steps of creating the armored cockpit area. Problems also began to be found with the armor, as the box was found to warp after some time and distort the frame. This was not a known problem at first, but it plagued many of the early production versions after the war. In October, production Salamanders began being painted in unique disruptive camouflage patterns. This practice started on the 3rd prototype. This would be one of the first times the RAF would officially camouflage paint aircraft, something that would eventually become a mainstay in the next World War. By early November, two Salamanders were sent over and stationed in France, with one being assigned to No 86 Squadron at Phalempin. No 86 Squadron had just been assigned as a dedicated ground attack unit when it arrived. Back in Britain, squadrons No 95 at Weyton, and No 157 at Upper Heyford were also reworked to be dedicated trench fighting squadrons and equipped with five Salamanders each. No 157 Squadron was scheduled to leave for the front on November 21st. With production rapidly increasing and the aircraft soon to be used at the front, all of this was suddenly brought to a halt when the Armistice was signed on November 11th.

 

Postwar Mediocrity

A Sopwith Salamander showcasing its unique camouflage livery (RAF Museum)

With the signing of the armistice, all plans to ship the Salamander-equipped squadrons to the front were canceled. Production was soon to be cut short as well, as the need for such a specialized aircraft disappeared. Gradually, the order of 1400 was decreased to a much smaller number. Sopwith and Glendower continued producing the Salamander until mid 1919, when total production was completely halted. The other companies mentioned before either stopped production entirely or produced only a few more Salamanders after the Armistice. The Salamander was prepared to be used in full force had the war continued into 1919, with an expected thirteen full Salamander squadrons stationed in France by May. There were expected delays with the production of the Bentley engine, so five of these squadrons were to be equipped with the aforementioned Clerget engines. The exact number of Salamanders produced varies from source to source. The most common number found is that 210 were produced in total, but other sources claim that the actual number is closer to 300. Others claim that almost 500 were built. None of these numbers can truly be confirmed but it is likely much more than the commonly thrown around 210.

Rear view of a Sopwith Salamander (Imperial War Musuem)

Postwar, the Salamander did not find itself too popular, as many issues rose up with the design. The warping of the armor began to become a serious problem on early production Salamanders and it was also found the first 70 Salamanders built by Sopwith had upper wings from Snipes, which were not capable of supporting the heavier Salamander. All of these 70 aircraft were found to be extremely dangerous to fly and it took until December of 1918 for the problem to be realized and fixed. From what can be gathered, most of the production Salamanders were put into storage after the Armistice, with many being finished and immediately sent into storage. Flight testing of the type continued until 1920 despite all interest in the Salamander seemingly being lost in mid 1919.

In addition to the disruptive camo, there is mention of a Salamander being painted in a type of lozenge camo, similar to German aircraft schemes in the war, but no photos are known to exist. It was to be tested at Farnborough alongside the regular camo in July of 1919 but it was unlikely anything became of the tests. Despite the lack of interest, the Salamander did occupy a number of squadrons post war, however the details of where and when are sparse. The latest Salamanders mentioned in RAF service were a squadron stationed out of Egypt in 1922. This would have coincided with the Chanak Crisis against Turkey. A few Salamanders were sent to foreign nations for testing. An unknown Salamander was sent to France to be tested by the Section Technique de l’Aéronautique (Aeronautical Technical Section) in Villacoublay, France. Salamander F6533 was sent overseas to America for trials and testing by their Army Air Service. No further orders or Salamanders were made by America after this and the sole example was known to have been still at McCook Airfield as late as 1926. It is likely the warping issue happened with this particular aircraft, as beneath the cockpit “This machine is not to be flown.” was printed and was seen in photographs of the aircraft.

Salamander F6533 at Mccook Airfield (Pilots and Planes)

Many combat aircraft of the First World War found new life in the following years in the hands of private collectors or attending airshows for spectacular performances. The Salamander was unfortunately not one of these aircraft due to its specialized nature and slower performance compared to the fast aircraft that were featured in such displays. With the purpose of the aircraft now gone and with no future in sight, the Salamander was left to be forgotten as newer aircraft replaced it in squadrons and eventually all would be scrapped. None survive to this day.

Conclusion

The Salamander was one of the first British attempts to create a dedicated ground attack aircraft. In addition, it first tested camouflage patterns on RAF aircraft. Unfortunately, it came too late, if only by a few weeks, to be tested in combat. With the war over and the need for such an aircraft gone, the dream of the Salamander strafing enemy positions died and it fell into obscurity as the type was eventually completely scrapped. Had it entered combat, it would have encountered the same problems it did postwar, which would have left the aircraft prone to accidents of its own design and would have taken time to repair in the field. A strange, and perhaps sad, note is the Salamander was the last Sopwith aircraft to enter service with the RAF before the company became defunct in 1920.

Variants

 

  • Sopwith T.F.2 Salamander Prototypes – The first prototypes for the Salamander had many of the same features as the Snipe, including sharing the mainplane, unstaggered guns and the tailplane was supported by wires.
  • Sopwith T.F.2 Salamander Production – The production version of the Salamander had staggered guns, provisions for carrying bombs, and the tailplane was supported by four steel rods. The first 70 production aircraft accidentally were equipped with the upper wings of the Sopwith Snipe.

 

Operators

 

  • United Kingdom – The Sopwith Salamander was built as a dedicated Trench Fighter for the Royal Air Force, but hostilities would stop before it could be sent to the frontlines. After the war, most Salamanders would be put in storage, but a few would be sent abroad, such as to Egypt.
  • United States of America – A single T.F.2 Salamander (F6533) was sent to McCook Field for testing.
  • France – A single T.F.2 Salamander was sent to France for testing with the Section Technique de l’Aéronautique in Villacoublay, France.

Sopwith T.F.2 Salamander Specifications

Wingspan 31 ft 2 in / 9.5 m
Length 19 ft 6 in / 5.9 m
Height 9 ft 4 in / 2.8 m
Wing Area 272 ft² / 25.3 m²
Engine 1x 230 hp ( 171.5 kW ) Bentley B.R.2 Radial Engine
Propeller 1x 2-blade wooden propeller
Weights
Empty 1844 lb / 836 kg
Maximum 2512 lb / 1139 kg
Climb Rate
Time to 5,000 ft / 1,525 m 6 minutes 5 sec
Time to 6,500 ft / 1,980 m 9 minutes 6 sec
Time to 10,000 ft / 3,050 m 17 minutes 5 sec
Maximum Speed 117 mph / 188 km/h at 10,000 ft / 3,050 m

123 mph / 198 km/h at 6,500 ft / 1,980 m

125 mph / 201 km/h at 3,000 ft / 915 m

Cruising Speed 125 mph / 201 kmh
Endurance 1 ½ hours
Maximum Service Ceiling 13,000 ft / 3,690 m
Crew 1 pilot
Armament
  • 2x synchronized Vickers .303 machine guns (1000 rounds per gun)
  • 4x 20 Ib (9 kg) bombs or 1x 112 Ib (51 kg) bomb

Illustrations

The Salamander in standard RAF livery

 

Several Salamanders would receive a standardized camouflage pattern, they were among the earliest RAF planes to use an official camouflage livery.

Credits

  • Article written by Medicman11
  • Edited by  Henry H. & Stan L.
  • Ported by Henry H.
  • Illustrated by Carpaticus

 

Sources

https://www.baesystems.com/en/heritage/sopwith-salamander

https://www.rafmuseum.org.uk/blog/salamandrine-fire/

King, H. F. Sopwith Aircraft, 1912-1920. Putnam, 1981.

Mason, Francis K. The British Fighter since 1912. Naval Institute Press, 1992.

Green, W. and Swanborough, G., n.d. The complete book of fighters.

 

 

DELAG: The First Airline

German Empire, German Republic, Nazi Germany

9 Airliners

The airliner Hansa prepares to depart from Potsdam. (stampcircuit)

Intro:

While the age of the airship has long since passed, these aircraft were involved in a nearly 30 year battle for aerial supremacy with the airplane. This competition would lay the foundations for modern air travel and, as the railway once did, change humanity’s conceptions of space. The Zeppelins of the DELAG airline earned the honor of being the first aircraft to regularly fly passengers, and to be the first to offer transatlantic air service from Europe to the Americas. While the destruction of the Hindenburg, operated by the DZR, spelled the end for passenger airship travel, DELAG’s airships had defined modern air travel with a near spotless safety record.

The Count

Count Ferdinand von Zeppelin was born in the Grand Duchy of Baden in 1838 as the second of three brothers to a fairly unremarkable aristocratic family. His father was an aristocratic native of the region and his mother being of French-Swiss descent. As a child, Ferdinand was educated by a tutor hired by his family before joining the Army at age 15 in 1858. He saw no action in the Franco-Austrian war in 1859, and in the peace before the Kingdom was embroiled in the wars of German unification, Zeppelin would continue his education. He took courses at the Stuttgart Polytechnic institute, the University of Tubingen, and the Royal War College. Zeppelin was an odd character, traditional, curious, fascinated with machines, and equal parts ambitious and stubborn.

He was far more adept in terms of his technical knowledge than other aristocrats, with engineering typically being reserved for young men of the middle class. Zeppelin, however, could not be considered a true engineer owing to the broadness of his studies. His formal education would end in 1861 when he began to travel Europe at the behest of the Army, observing the armies of foreign nations. He would travel to Austria, Italy, and France before finally making his way to the Americas, then embroiled in civil war.

Count Zeppelin during his time with the Union Army, pictured center. (wikiwand)

This journey, however, was a personal venture, the young Lieutenant Zeppelin having taken leave to see the conflict. He would arrive in Washington DC in 1863 where he acquired permission to travel with the Union Army after a meeting with President Lincoln. Zeppelin soon found himself in the headquarters of the Army of the Potomac in May, and was disappointed soon after. In short, apart from an impromptu escape from a Confederate cavalry patrol in Ashley Gap, Virginia, his experiences with the Union army were dull and uninformative. He felt that their ways of fighting were clumsy and dated, and that the openness and frankness of officers with their superiors was unprofessional and unwarranted. It seemed the entirety of the trip seemed a loss, militarily he found no new lessons or methods to be found with the Army of the Potomac. This was until he encountered Professor John Steiner, an aeronaut who formerly flew as a balloon observer in the service of the Union army.

By this time, the balloon had become a valuable, though uncommon, tool of the Union army, and a ride for thrill seekers. Steiner flew his balloon the ‘Hercules’ for the public after serving with the Union’s balloon corps. The Bavarian born aeronaut met Zeppelin in Saint Louis during the former’s diversion to see the Great Lakes. The two had very little in common apart from their first language and an interest in technology, which quickly sparked a long conversation over balloons and their operation. They spoke of the difficulties and limitations of the existing spherical balloon, which had to be tethered, lest it be carried off by the wind, and was almost impossible to keep them oriented in anything but the most mild weather.

With the end of their conversation, Zeppelin was eager to set off in the balloon. So eager in fact, that he purchased much of Saint Louis’ supply of coal gas to ensure his fight, to the annoyance of its residents. The two took to the sky on August 19, 1863, rising to around 55 meters. In the air, Zeppelin was not amazed or awestruck by the feeling of flight, in fact he never would be, but he saw in it both an immense promise and a series of problems to be solved. To the aerial observer, every detail of the landscape was revealed, and to a military man like Zeppelin, its value was evident and extraordinary. However, it wasn’t without its drawbacks. To his frustration, the balloon had to remain tethered, as uncertain winds could take the balloon any number of directions and Steiner didn’t believe they had enough coal gas for a long flight. The two would part ways after the flight; Steiner would later design and build his own portable hydrogen generator, and Zeppelin would return to Württemberg to resume his service with the army.

Zeppelin wouldn’t fly again for forty years and by the time he had returned home, he had largely thought the issues surrounding balloon flight were yet unsolvable. The Lieutenant would return to his homeland facing the Prussians, who were then seeking to establish their hegemony over their neighbors in a new central German state. Zeppelin was promoted to Captain and an aide-de-camp to the King in 1866. He would see no action, and witnessed the loss of the Austrian led coalition. Zeppelin remained in the army after the loss and was later married to baroness Isabella von Wolff.

With the start of the Franco-Prussian war, Captain Zeppelin was once again called into service, and with some good fortune, placed back on the path to aeronautics. Zeppelin would see action in this war, in the form of a daring, if brutal cavalry mission which saw everyone in his unit except him, killed or captured. He was subsequently honored by his homeland of Württemberg, and met with a decidedly cold reception by the Prussians, with whom he had developed a growing antipathy towards. However, Zeppelin’s key moment of the war came at the outskirts of Paris.

The Neptune was the first balloon to fly out of Paris, photographed here on 23 September 1870. (wikimedia)

When the war had been decidedly lost for the French, the capital remained a brave, but doomed, holdout. As Zeppelin waited on the outskirts of the city with the rest of the Prussian-led coalition, he noted the many balloons that departed the city. Numerous French aeronauts made flights out of the city, carrying news and letters out with them. Zeppelin once again saw the drawbacks of the balloons, the wind drew them in random directions, though most landed in friendly territory. He would still regard the balloon as questionable at best, and though he would take note of their ability to drift over the blockade safely, he lamented that they were totally unnavigable.

After the war Zeppelin remained with the army, being given command of the 15th Schleswig-Holstein Uhlans. For many years, he expected that this would be the end to the most exciting chapters of his life and prepared himself for a relaxing, if uneventful retirement. In all likelihood this would have happened, had it not been for a riding accident on March 18, 1874 (Robinson 9-13, Rose 3-12).

The Dream

After a particularly violent fall from his horse, Zeppelin was placed on several weeks of sick leave. During his recovery a fellow staff officer had come to deliver his well wishes, and some reading material, which included a pamphlet from the head of the new Imperial Post Office entitled World Postal Services and Airship Travel. The pamphlet, and a subsequent lecture Zeppelin attended, would set his imagination running. Soon he would begin accumulating basic airship concepts, though these early ideas proved very crude. Such was the case for a large airship which controlled its altitude solely through dynamic lift, and no ballast. However, from this early point he would also conceptualize the use of a rigid hull formed from rings and longitudinal beams which would contain a number of individual gas cells. Several features, like propulsion, were simply omitted as they had not yet been developed. It is curious that Zeppelin conceived of his first vessels without a way to move them, but in a period of such rapid technological development as the late 19th century, it was not an unreasonable assumption that the problem would be solved soon enough (Robinson 14). In Zeppelin’s case, the ‘suitable prime mover’ that his first concept used, materialized in less than a decade when Daimler produced the first series of reliable gasoline internal combustion engines.

Perhaps most crucially of all, Zeppelin understood the airship would operate as a series of independent components which could be developed, and improved upon separately. Its hull structure, gas cells, control systems, and propulsion could and would be developed in turn.

These developments, however, would be stalled for some years following the birth of his daughter, Hella, and his return to military service. This hiatus would only end with the end of the Count’s military career. By this time, the German Empire had only existed for some few years, and its second sovereign, Wilhelm II, was defined mostly by his insecurities and petulence. His greatest irritation were those in the Empire who still held to their regional identities and allegiances to their local Kingdoms and Duchies, over the Prussian dominated Empire. In this way Zeppelin found himself labeled a ‘peculiarist’ by the Emperor after he submitted a report in which he wished that the Army of Wurttemberg would retain a degree of autonomy and that its King not simply become a rubber stamp for the governing of the Empire. These sentiments instantly made him an enemy of the Emperor, and despite a glowing review from General Von Heuduck after the Imperial War Games of 1890, he was dressed down by the Prussian General Von Kleist in front of his fellow officers (Rose 19). At fifty two, his career was over and in its place was a desire to restore his name and all the time he needed to pursue what he’d set aside years ago, building airships.

Following his forced retirement, Zeppelin soon confined himself to private study on pursuing the airship. However, beyond his desire for restoring his name, he also worked against what he saw was the newest and greatest threat to Germany, French airships. Having previously written to the king of Wurttemberg over the success of the airship La France in 1887, he was now focused on designing an aerial warship to combat it. With his declaration of ‘help me build the airship for Germany’s defense and security!’ he established his own airship development firm in 1891 (Robinson 15).

La France was an impressive airship of its day, and inspired a panic in certain military circles. (wikimedia)

Zeppelin’s firm rapidly sent out requests for engineers, manufacturers, and workers to begin his work. Additionally, he also began a correspondence with General Alfred von Schlieffen, who directed him to the Prussian Aeronautic Battalion, the best hope for getting military interest in the airship. Zeppelin’s contact with Capt. Rudolf von Tschudi of the PAB was cordial, but to found he would need to provide an approved design before funding would be forthcoming for the project (Robinson 15). Zeppelin’s first major design was led by Theodore Kober, a twenty-four year old engineer formerly employed by the Riedinger balloon factory. It was almost entirely unworkable, with the two being far too inexperienced to carry out the project successfully. The airship was designed with a layout akin to a train, with a locomotive section at its front, being 117 m in diameter, 5.5 m in length, and with a volume of 9514 cubic meters. When the design was reviewed on March 10, 1894, Cpt. Hans Gross and Maj. Stephan von Neiber of the PAB, and Muller-Breslau of the technical college at Charlottenburg, would point out the design was unworkable for countless reasons. Zeppelin refused to accept the verdict and railed against his critics, only abating when Muller-Breslau agreed to consult with him on improving the design. The resultant airship presented a length of 134 m with a 13 m diameter, its hull was cigar shaped, and its hemispherical ends were replaced with tapering ones. Despite being at first very grateful for Muller-Breslau’s much needed assistance, Zeppelin never openly credited him for his work. Zeppelin would prove a difficult man to work with, and for Breslau, this was likely a better outcome as the count often took criticism very personally and rarely, if ever, forgave a slight. Zeppelin would harbor an intense and abiding hatred in the aforementioned Capt., later major, Hans Gross, who among other things, openly supported an unsubstantiated rumor that Zeppelin had appropriated the work of the then deceased aviator, David Schwartz. A duel between the two men was only stopped by the Emperor’s intervention (Robinson 22 Rose 50).

With the shape of the airship decided, what lay ahead were the no less important practical duties of building the firm’s manufacturing base, and finances. In short, Zeppelin’s airship was to be paid for mostly by his own fundraising efforts, with his joint stock company being established in 1898, to which he paid 300,000 of the 800,000 raised. The airship’s engines were among the first major steps forward for the program, with the Count having been in contact with the up and coming Wilhelm Maybach of DMG. The correspondence between the two would result in Zeppelin’s access to the new Phoenix engine, a two cylinder engine which included a spray-nozzle carburetor and a camshaft for controlling the exhaust valves. The lightweight engine was among the most advanced internal combustion engines in the world at the time, and by 1900 it would produce 16 horsepower. The engine however, was not so much as chosen for the project, as to boost the confidence in the effort overall, as the final design would use a different model. The design team was also shaken up with Kober’s departure after the airship’s redesign, Zeppelin was fond of the optimistic young engineer, but recognized that his inexperience made it impossible to head the project. In his place came Ludwig Dürr, a solitary, humorless, 22 year old engineer. Dürr was initially derided for his eccentricities, but his talents soon revealed themselves and he outshone everyone at the firm. Such were his abilities that he became the only employee to openly disagree with Zeppelin (Rose 54). In this first project however, his tasks were focused on the fabrication and construction of the airship, most of which had already been designed when he arrived at the firm.

Possessing the best power plants available, a workable design proposal, and a very capable engineer to head the project, Zeppelin prepared to begin the work itself. The site of construction and testing was to be Manzell, Baden-Württemberg, which sat on the Bodensee, a serene lake whose shores were spread between Austria, Germany, and Switzerland. The final construction and housing of the airship was to be done within a floating hangar on the lake. Zeppelin believed water landings were much safer, and the hangar, which was to be anchored at only one end, would be able to turn with the wind, which was a considerable safety feature. At the time, the hangar was the largest wooden building in the world, which amusingly enough, was secured only by a chain which anchored it to a 41 ton concrete slab at the bottom of the lake. Construction began on June 17, 1898 with components arriving from across Germany. The airship’s aluminum frame was supplied by the Berg factory in Ludenscheid, its gas cells came from the August Riedinger balloon factory in Augsburg, the engines were shipped in from the Daimler works at Carnstatt, its gas storage tanks came from the Rhine Metal works, and its hydrogen came from the Griesheim-Elektron chemical company from the city which was its namesake (Robinson 23, Rose 54).

Humble Beginnings

Zeppelin’s airships were first assembled ashore before being delivered and reassembled in the floating hangar. (wikimedia)

The construction of Luftschiff Zeppelin 1 was an arduous task which took almost two years. Zeppelin himself was involved in ensuring nearly every part of the vessel matched its specifications and that the components he was shipped were of acceptable quality. Safety was a top priority, one that kept the 62 year old count at the firm ten hours a day for nearly the entire duration of the construction process. When completed, the airship measured 128 m and 11.7 m in diameter, its hull was composed of 24 longitudinal beams connecting 16 rings, each composed of 24 beams which were bolted together and supported by bracing cables. This hull framework was made of aluminum, which easily made it the most expensive component, as the mass production of aluminum was not yet economical. Its lift and altitude control was achieved by means of 17 cylindrical hydrogen cells with a combined volume of 11298 cubic meters, in combination with water ballast. To propel it, the airship carried a pair of Daimler 4 cylinder gasoline engines which each produced 14.2 horsepower, and were connected to two pairs of two bladed propellers through a set of bevel gears and shafts. These engines were carried in a pair of aluminum control cars in which the crew sat, with the forward car equipped with controls for the gas cells and the airship’s few control surfaces.

Controlling the airship was done through two pairs of small rudders, placed fore and aft along the sides of the airship. To control its pitch, there was a weight placed along the narrow walkway between the control cars, which was manually winched between the two to achieve the desired pitch. Climbing was achieved entirely through dumping ballast and some small degree of dynamic lift as the airship was being propelled forward (Robinson 24, Curtis).

“It was an exciting moment. When the first command to let go the cable sounded from the raft, and the airship, which, up until then, had been held by the hands of the firemen, laborers, and soldiers, rose slowly into the air, and suddenly, at the height of 25 meters was released and soared upward” -Captain-Lieutenant D. Von Bethge, steamship inspector. (Curtis 9) (wikimedia)

The long awaited flight was primed for July, 1900, with the airship being floated at the end of June. Given that only a handful of aviators worldwide had any experience in controlled flight, Zeppelin himself would take the controls. When conditions were prime on July 2nd, the airship was withdrawn from its hangar before the waiting shoreline crowd and a number of onlookers who had arrived in their boats. Along with the more casual onlookers was the head of the PAB, Bart von Sigsfeld. Before all of them, Zeppelin took off his hat and led the crowd in a short prayer before he took a boat to the airship.

Zeppelin was joined in the front car by one of his company’s own mechanics, Eisele, and a personal friend and physicist, Baron Maximillian von Bassus. The rear car would seat the journalist and world traveler Eugene Wolff along with Gross, a Zeppelin company mechanic. The airship was untethered at around 8 in the morning where it was soon trimmed to level flight. The entire flight lasted some 18 minutes, and was cut short by the trimming weight becoming jammed, and the failure of an engine, though neither proved dangerous as level trim could be maintained by venting hydrogen, and the second engine provided enough power for the remainder of the flight. From the floating hangar, the airship traveled to Immenstaad under favorable conditions, with the entire flight spanning around 5 and a half kilometers. Even with these impediments, Zeppelin was able to bring the ship in gently on the surface of the lake before returning to its hangar.

While the crowds were thrilled by the exhibition, the PAB’s response was mixed. While Sigsfeld was thrilled by the demonstration, the other two representatives had understood that while the airship was safe and capable of navigation, its low speed, reportedly between 13-26 kilometers per hour by journalist Hugo Eckener, left it unable to travel in anything by the most placid weather (Robinson 26, Eckener 1). Perhaps of greater concern was the structural damage the airship had sustained during its flight.

The aluminum beams which comprised LZ 1’s hull had warped during its flight, and likely made worse when the wind had pushed the airship ashore after it landed. Unfortunately, the girders had been laid in a manner similar to the first airship concept, and provided little strength against torsional forces and seemed unable to adequately support the weight of the motor-carrying control cars. The airship’s hull was bent upwards at both ends, and was clearly operating on borrowed time. It was reinforced and sent airborne again on September 24, where it flew for an hour and a half, and again for one last time on October 17, where it reached a top speed of 27.3 kilometers an hour and maneuvered well against the wind. These flights, however, failed to convince the military that LZ 1 was much more than a clumsy experiment.

Unable to sell the airship to the army, or even fly his prototype again, Zeppelin dismantled the company, sold its assets, and laid off his staff, save for a handful of specialists. However, to the stubborn Count, this represented a short hurdle to be overcome, and soon he would begin new appeals for funds and resources while the diligent Ludwig Dürr began to design the next airship (Robinson 28).

LZ-2

Even with its limited test flights, LZ 1 had much to teach Zeppelin’s firm on airship construction. Dürr would revise its hull, using triangular section girders that could resist warping in all planes, and they would be built with a zinc-copper-aluminum alloy, instead of soft aluminum. He also reduced the number of sides to each ring section and shortened the overall length of the airship. LZ 2 would be far simpler, and stronger than the first design.

The flimsy and unreliable lead trim weight would also be removed, with pitch control being achieved by added elevators. The small rudders of the first design were also improved, using several parallel sets in a ‘venetian blind arrangement’. Its engines too were massively improved, with Zeppelin having access to Daimler’s new 85 hp motors, which now drove three bladed propellers. Redesigning the airship would prove a surprisingly straightforward process, with each component, the hull, the motors, and the control systems being addressed and improved upon in turn (Robinson 28, 29; Rose 73, 74).

What would not prove as straightforward, was fundraising. While the first airship found a number of financiers, few shared Zeppelin’s stubborn optimism in working toward his second aircraft. The previously reliable Union of German Engineers had become outright hostile towards the Count after the LZ 1 failed to find buyers, and the public was mostly indifferent to the project. The private appeals, which bore a good deal of capital for the first airship began to fail too, bringing in only 8000 marks.

However, the Count would end up finding the money he needed. His prime supporter, King Wilhelm of Wurttemberg, once again came through and authorized a state lottery which brought in 124,000 marks. Surprisingly enough, the Emperor too gave support to the project, after the Kingdom of Prussia initially denied Zeppelin a lottery. He subsequently provided an additional 50,000 marks and instructed the War Ministry to rent hydrogen storage equipment to Zeppelin at low cost. Much in character for WiIlhelm II, his support came not from any generosity or personal interest in the Count, but out of a desire not to be outdone, and thus be under threat, from the new French Lebaudy airships.

The French airship program continued to worry and motivate Zeppelin, here, the LeBaudy brother’s airship, Le Jaune, glides by the Eiffel Tower in 1903. (air and space mag)

 

The remainder of the sum, amounting to about 400,000 marks, was acquired through a mortgage of his family’s properties in Livonia. Along with material assistance from some of his past clients, principally Daimler and Berg, the airship would be built. In all, funding the airship would prove a far greater challenge than designing and building it. While the design work began after LZ 1’s dismantling in 1900, construction would not begin until 1905 (Robinson 29, 30 ; Rose 75).

Zeppelin’s firm began building LZ-2 in April, 1905 at the same wooden shed that housed the first, though it had since been brought to the shoreline. It would be completed in seven months, though a towing accident would see its nose dip into the water, which resulted in damage that wouldn’t see it fly until the beginning of next year. It would seem rather peculiar that Zeppelin would launch the airship during the windiest, and thus most dangerous time of year, but his hand had been forced by world events. The Russian Empire, where his mortgaged estates were located, was crumbling, and the properties held as collateral were destroyed during the 1905 revolution. Zeppelin needed results, and so he raced to launch his airship.

LZ 2 presented a series of major improvements to  all of the former airship’s major components. (Wikimedia)

LZ 2 first took flight on January 17, 1906, with the Count once again at the controls, and accompanied by experienced balloonist Hauptman von Krogh, along with five mechanics. Wolff was prohibited from attending after criticizing the performance of the first airship. The flight was conducted extremely early in the morning, and with so little notice, one engineer, Hans Gassau, arrived wearing his slippers. While the weather was permissible, the flight got off to a rough start, as the crew dropped too much ballast water and the airship rose to some 450 m. After some ballast work, the crew achieved equilibrium and leveled off allowing the flight to begin in earnest. Almost immediately the airship demonstrated massive improvements as to its speed and controllability, with the craft reaching an estimated 40 kilometers an hour and demonstrating the ability to navigate in stiff winds.

However, in the midst of this promising flight, a serious problem arose. The airship proved longitudinally unstable, with its nose pitching up and down as it traveled at speed. This motion flooded the Daimler engines, stalling them, and to make matters even worse, the rudders jammed when resisting a harsh crosswind. LZ 2 was soon adrift over the lake, and it would be several agonizing minutes before they were overland and the airship’s drag anchor could be used. As the airship cleared the shore and drifted towards the Allgau mountain range, Zeppelin ordered the anchor dropped. The anchor found purchase in the frozen earth and the momentum of the ship drove it downwards as it resisted the anchor’s hold, bouncing against the ground and slowing it as it passed two local farms. Eventually it halted over nearby marshland, sustaining considerable damage from the ordeal. The crew dismounted the ship, tethered it at both ends, and left to return in the morning. Upon their arrival the following day, they found the ship had been torn to shreds in the night during a windstorm. Being tethered at both ends, the ship remained fixed and unable to turn with the winds, the forces warping the aluminum struts and tearing off wide sections of fabric (Robinson 30-33; Rose 77).

The stricken LZ-2, despite the violence of the crash and the exposure to high winds, its rubberized-cotton hydrogen cells were almost entirely intact. (Wikimedia)

Journalist Hugo Eckener recounted that the old Count was utterly heartbroken, and beside the wreck of his airship claimed it was the end. He ordered LZ 2 dismantled. Eckener naturally thought this the conclusion to his story, which he would continue to believe until some days later, when Count Zeppelin came to visit him. While the Count often detested most of the journalists who covered his experiments, he saw Eckener’s work, which was mostly concerned with engineering, as honest and constructive. He offered to confer with Eckener directly on future projects, and invited him to dinner several days later. Eckener rightly surmised that Zeppelin was prepared to reveal something greater at their next meeting, and he was proved correct. The Count was preparing to develop a new airship to compete with the Prussian Airship Battalion’s semi-rigid design for a new military project (Eckener 12, 13). Eckener readily joined the project both as both a publicist and a consultant, with his position to encompass more of the airship project in the coming years.

While LZ 2 can’t be regarded as more than a cumbersome and tragic project, Zeppelin wasted little time in gathering up the resources to capitalize on the intense military interest that had arisen around the airship.

The Winner

Practically undaunted from the loss of LZ 2, Zeppelin raced to produce a new airship for the army. One might think that the partial success of LZ 1 and the solo-ill fated flight of LZ 2 would have disqualified him, but at this early stage in aviation, Zeppelin was a leading pioneer in airship design. Disqualifying Zeppelin was not an option, and so, he joined the competition alongside August von Perseval, and the Count’s old rival, Gross of the Prussian Airship Battalion. His competitors produced a non-rigid, and a semi rigid airship respectively. However, by the time the Military Airship commision began, Zeppelin was the only aspirant to have already built and flown their design. In this way, he held a considerable advantage ahead of his opponents, despite the military commision being biased towards semi-rigid airships. In many ways, Zeppelin had already won the competition before it had even begun, as his immense technical advantage was cemented by his military background. With his foot in the door, Zeppelin soon received a gift of 100,000 marks from the Emperor, gained 250,000 marks from a Prussian state lottery, and a Government interest-free loan of 100,000 marks (Robinson 31; Rose 90).

LZ-3 included a series of new control surfaces, seen here in its late configuration (Wikimedia)

Zeppelin’s only real competition was the Gross-Bassenach, a fairly uninspired semi-rigid airship, as while Perseval’s blimp was fairly practical, it had very little room for further development. With Eckener’s appeals in the press adding to his credibility, all Zeppelin had to do was cross the finish line before his rivals. The race to build LZ-3 was on, and to save time it would use the same hull as its predecessor, even reusing the propellers from the wrecked airship. While the airship would be built on the same lines as LZ 2, it carried with it serious improvements in regards to propulsion, maneuverability, and its hydrogen capacity. Dürr would increase its capacity to 11428 cubic meters and fit the new ship with a set of triple box rudders, two pairs of vertical stabilizers, and two pairs of elevators. These modifications were refined at the engineer’s own homemade wind tunnel and would greatly improve the stability and maneuverability of the ship. However, the airship still lacked a set of vertical stabilizers, mostly as a result of the dated aerodynamic theories the Count still stubbornly clung to. Regardless, the new airship flew spectacularly.

On its first flight on October 9, 1906, LZ-3 traveled some 111 kilometers for two hours and seventeen minutes. It too proved fast, with a rated top speed of 39 kilometers an hour, with a highest claimed, and likely overly optimistic, speed of 53. Though perhaps more than anything, it carried eleven people aboard and possessed a maximum useful load of 2812 kilograms (Robinson 32). LZ-3 not only proved that Zeppelin’s airships were capable of navigation in windy conditions, but that they could do so when loaded with cargo. Many within the government were impressed with Zeppelin’s results, including Major Gross who, in spite of their rivalry, recommended that the Count receive additional resources for his experiments. This wave of support led Zeppelin to offer LZ 3 to the Military with a promise to build them two more airships. He also followed this deal with a series of claims so optimistic and absurd, only his finance man, Alfred Colsman, would repeat them. One such claim was that he would soon build an airship capable of transporting 500 soldiers and use heated air in place of hydrogen (Robinson 33).

The military would decline the offer, and the Interior Minister would state that the government would purchase no airship incapable of making a 24 hour long endurance flight. However the Count still had an excellent position. Zeppelin had practically beaten out his competitors and now had a good deal of confidence in military circles. Even the Emperor himself was pushing airship development both to ensure the German military stayed ahead of the French and draw attention away from a series of scandals in his court. In more practical terms, they extended him a payment of 500,000 marks to pay for a new, expanded hangar, to be dubbed the ‘Reichshalle’ (Rose92).

Seeking the military contract, Zeppelin would have LZ-3 improved with the goal of reaching the 24 hour endurance threshold. Its easily damaged forward elevators would be moved higher up to the sides of the hull, and its rudders would be placed between the horizontal stabilizers. The latter were made more effective, and enabled the airship to take off heavier thanks to dynamic lift, and the former less effective, and less responsive at lower speeds. Stability was further improved by extending the triangular keel forward and aft of the control cars.

After the move to the Reichshalle, the airship was refloated in September of 1907. Its next flight was on September 24, where it spent 4 hours and seventeen minutes over the lake. Several more flights were conducted with a number of guests including Dr. Eckener, the count’s daughter Hella von Zeppelin, Major Gross of the PAB, a Naval Representative Fregattenkapitan Mischke, and the Crown Prince. Its most impressive flight was during Mischke’s visit, when LZ 3, then piloted by Dürr and Hacker, conducted an overland flight lasting seven hours and 54 minutes, turning back when their fuel ran low. It was a notably more challenging flight, as the inconsistent air currents overland and the up and down drafts caused some concern. This was to say nothing of the 152 m altitude they flew at. In spite of the challenge, they flew some 354 km over Lake Constance followed by the Ravensburg countryside. Despite their success, they did not reach the threshold, and by the end of the year the airship was in need of new gas cells, and their supply of hydrogen, which the PAB had provided, had been fully expended. Things were not helped by a winter storm which pulled the floating hangar from its moorings and pushed it ashore, damaging LZ 3 in the process (Robinson 34-36).

LZ-3 over the Bodensee during an early point in its career (Zeppelin)

While LZ-3 did not reach the Interior Minister’s goal, it drew international attention. Despite this, the acclaim it won abroad was nothing compared to the excitement it generated across Germany. The turn of the century was a period dominated by immense technological and industrial development, where countries sought to distinguish themselves through cutting edge developments. Where Britain had its gargantuan high speed ocean liners, America, its skyscrapers, and France its groundbreaking film industry, Germany would have Zeppelin’s airships. Amateur aeronauts and students formed clubs to travel to see the airships as they glided over the Bodensee, and among the upper classes there was likewise excitement as balls were held in honor of Zeppelin’s achievement, and there was even talk of events to be held over a 300 meters in the air (Rose 96). While LZ-3 failed to meet military standards, the funds for LZ-4 would come as a matter of course. Its success was taken as inevitable, and with this in mind, LZ-3 was placed in long term storage as work on the next airship began.

LZ-4

LZ 4 at the floating hangar (Library of Congress)

Zeppelin’s next airship was once again an incremental improvement on the previous design, this new model being built to meet the 24 hour endurance requirement. Its production began shortly after LZ 3 completed its last flights for the year, with the skeletal hull of the new airship being assembled in the old floating hangar at Manzell in November 1907. Construction was finished on June 17, 1908, after it had traded places with the damaged LZ-3 in the restored Reichshalle. LZ 4 was designed to increase the endurance of its forebearer, and improve its mobility and maneuverability. It was lengthened to 136 m to accommodate a 17th hydrogen cell, increasing the total volume to 15008 cubic meters, and it received a large rudder at the nose, but this was removed after test flights revealed the arrangement to be inadequate. The gondolas too were enlarged to fit a larger 110hp Daimler motor (Zeppelin 15). A small cabin was also added along the keel, which was connected to a rooftop platform for navigation.

LZ 4 first flew on the twentieth of June, during which the airship turned so poorly that it soon made its return to the hangar, after which the aforementioned fore rudder was replaced by a large, semicircular aft rudder. The succeeding trial flights on the 23 and 29th would prove well as to convince the Count to embark on his most ambitious journey yet. Zeppelin would take his new airship over the Bodensee and across the Alps to Lucerne, Switzerland on July 1st. It proved exceptionally well, making the 386 km journey in 12 hours, setting records for both distance traveled and time spent in the air. Zeppelin’s airship traversed the picturesque, but dangerously windy Alps, and was met by crowds in the Alpine city. After a set of maneuvers to impress the crowd at the lake, LZ 4 departed for home. This was made all the more impressive as the airship traveled into a headwind on its return flight to Manzell through Zurich. Only one problem arose, this being that once the fuel in the main fuel tanks for each engine ran low, the engines had to be shut off while they were refueled from cans, leaving the airship at half power for several minutes. It would, however, prove only a minor inconvenience in the greater scope of the journey. Dr. Eckener wasted no time in working the press to promote this newest achievement, ensuring generous articles in Germany’s leading, and competing, newspapers Die Woche and the Berliner Illustrirte Zeitung. Word soon reached France, Britain, and America, though it would only be an echo of the attention Zeppelin received within Germany. A week after his return, he received over a thousand telegrams for his seventieth birthday and King Wilhelm II of Wurttemberg, his longest and steadfast supporter, awarded him the Kingdom’s gold medal for the arts and sciences (Robinson 36 Rose 102).

LZ-4 lifts off (Loc)

The Swiss voyage would prove an immense success both in proving the airship a robust means of travel over otherwise rough terrain, and as a symbol of technological accomplishment which propelled the Count and his creation onto the world stage. As one might expect, the Count was now confident enough to attempt the 24 hour endurance flight which would ensure military interest, and allow him to sell his two airships. On July 13, 1908, LZ 4 was outfitted for the long trip and departed the next day, only to have to return after a fan blade broke on the forward motor. Further delays were caused when the airship collided with the hangar, resulting in damage to its hull and hydrogen cells. The next journey to Mainz was pushed back until August 4th, where it departed with incredible fanfare.

LZ 4 left with a crew of eight, which included Dürr, its designer, the Count’s old friend Baron von Bassus, and three veteran engineers, Karl Schwarz, Wilhelm Kast, and Kamil Eduard Luburda. They departed before an immense crowd, the largest share of which came from a nearby resort. Zeppelin, rather uncharacteristically, eschewed the typical maneuvers over the lake, and instead ordered the ship to its next destination at its best speed. LZ 4 would overfly several towns to the delight of crowds who were gathered by telegraph reports and special newspaper editions. In spite of the fanfare, trouble began in the evening when the engines began to run rough around 5:24 PM. After setting down at a quiet spot near Rhine at Oppenheim, they set off again, only for a more dire failure to crop up at 1:27 the following morning. Its front engine was shot and the rear motor was sputtering and smoking, having expelled what little remaining oil was aboard. With Stuttgart tantalizingly close, Zeppelin brought the ship down outside Echterdingen, around ten and a half kilometers outside their final destination. While they waited for a team from a nearby Daimler workshop, a crowd grew.

News of the grounded airship spread fast, and soon tens of thousands had begun to move. Thousands poured through the small town on bikes, carriages, wagons, and cars with the hope of seeing the airship. In all, some fifty-five thousand would assemble to see the Count’s airship, with some even being recruited by Schwarz to set up a make-shift anchor out of a carriage to hold the airship in place. The rest of the crowd was kept to a safe distance by what policemen and soldiers could be mustered. At around noon, concerns arose as the sounds of a thunderstorm made themselves clear. These concerns were soon justified as gusts of wind soon followed and began to pull the airship away from its moorings. The gale pulled the airship around the clearing as soldiers desperately worked the mooring ropes and the Daimler mechanic became worried enough as to leap from the front engine car. Schwarz worked his way through the catwalk and began to release hydrogen to prevent the airship from being carried high and away by the storm. He succeeded, but was unable to stop the winds from carrying the airship across the field into a stand of trees. Gas cells were shredded, the framework twisted, and in an instant the ship was alight. Schwarz lept, and in a terrifying moment on the ground, found himself covered in burning net and cloth. Miraculously, the mechanic cast off the debris and crawled through the burning wreck and, in his own words, ‘ran like hell’. Apart from Schwarz, a soldier, and his fellow mechanic, Laburda had also escaped the airship. The latter was merely singed, and the former left unconscious. Fortunately, there were no fatalities and those injured received prompt medical attention (Rose 108, 109).

The aluminum from LZ-4 being carted off from the site of the accident. (Wikimedia)

 

The crowd was horrified and left utterly dumbstruck having witnessed the destruction, and forlornly surveyed the wreckage. Zeppelin and the rest of the crew were similarly dismayed, having returned to the site from their hotel in Echterdingen and finding the warped aluminum frame of the airship across a charred stretch of Earth. The future British PM David Lloyd George was among those gathered, and having traveled hoping to see the airship would only find its remains. He would state “Of course we were disappointed, but disappointment was a totally inadequate word for the agony of grief and dismay which swept over the massed Germans who witnessed the catastrophe. There was no loss of life to account for it. Hopes and ambitions far wider than those concerned with scientific and mechanical success appeared to have shared the wreck of the dirigible. Then the crowd swung into the chanting of Deutschland uber Alles with a fantastic fervor of patriotism.” (Rose 110,111).

Dejected, the Count and crew returned to their offices in Friedrichshafen. They could have hardly expected what was waiting for them there.

The Miracle

While the accident had largely reinforced the skeptics in official circles, the public was not willing to let Zeppelin’s work come to an end. In the aftermath of the tragedy, thousands began organizing donations. What had begun with an off the cuff speech by a Stuttgart merchant Manfred Franck, to rouse the public to help build Zeppelin’s next airship, had become a national phenomenon. Soon the press echoed his words and were raising thousands of marks a day, and they were not to be outdone by public and private associations who alike, sent hundreds of thousands of marks to Zeppelin AG. Those who hadn’t the money, sent clothes, food, and liquor of varying quality, and had done so in such amounts that the resort town’s post office was incapable of sorting it. Following Zeppelin’s return to his offices in Friedrichafen, he had received some 6,096,555 Marks from the public (~$25-30 Million USD 2020).

Perhaps even more bizarrely, came the Government’s response. Despite Zeppelin’s inability to perform the 24 hour flight, they were interested in purchasing the rebuilt LZ 3 and commissioning a new airship of the same design as LZ 4, to be accepted into service under the designation Z-2. The Emperor himself would soon visit the Reichshalle hangar to inspect LZ 3 and award Zeppelin with the Order of the Black Eagle, the highest order the Kingdom of Prussia could bestow. In a further and ironic twist, he was also invited to the Imperial War Games, or Kaisermanover, where he accompanied the Crown Prince (Robinson 41-43, Rose 113, 114).

 

LZ-3 was the first airship to be sold to the German Military, where it spent many years in service. (Wikimedia)

Almost impossibly, Zeppelin had been propelled far further by his greatest disaster than he had his greatest success. Zeppelin had both the love of the public and  a powerful presence in the halls of Government, and with his gifted fortune, he set off to expand the horizons of what was once a personal project. On September 3, 1908 the Count founded Luftschiffbau Zeppelin Gmbh, or Zeppelin Airshipworks Inc. What was once a small, dedicated team running out of a handful of facilities along the Bodensee, was transformed almost overnight into an industrial powerhouse. In the following years and under Colman’s direction, he founded a number of new enterprises under the parent company which would include the Maybach Motor Company in 1909, Ballon-Hullen-Gesellschaft of Berlin Tempelhof in 1912, to build hydrogen cells, Zeppelin Hallenbau of Berlin in 1913, to construct hangars, and Zahnrad-Fabrik in 1915, to build gear and drive shafts (Robinson 41, 42). At the center of all of this sat Friedrichshaven, which became the hub for all of these projects, and by 1914 the small resort town would grow to become the wealthiest city in Wurttemberg. As the headquarters for the new company, it would boast new homes for the workers, along with schools, groceries, a pub, and a performance hall. On top of all of this was a generous company life insurance policy, and free room and board for the families of workers who found themselves struggling.

In the months following the new founding of Zeppelin Airship Factory in 1908, the newly christened Z I (formerly LZ 3) was delivered to the army, where it served until 1913, along with the newly built Z II, its company designation being LZ 5. Z II was completed in May 1909 and was identical to its ill fated predecessor save for the omission of the ventral fin along the gangway, the cabin, and the installation of additional fuel tanks. Before it was delivered to the army, Zeppelin wished to demonstrate its capabilities with a 36 hour flight to Berlin. The flight began in earnest after two aborts, on May 29, 1909, and the airship proceeded through a dark and squally night on the way to Ulm. From there they once again met frenzied crowds as they traveled around Augsburg, Nuremberg, and Leipzig before having to turn back as the fuel supply was inadequate, with the flight being terminated at 21 hours. It was not, however, insufficient enough to prevent them from flying around and circling Bitterfield, the headquarters of their rival firm, Parseval. Apart from the airship receiving damage from landing on the only pear tree in a field during a night landing, which punctured the forward gas cells, they returned home with little else to remark upon. Following repairs, it was ready again on June 2, though it would not attempt a second flight before the army came to accept it on July 24. In service Z II would see no true military duties, but it would be a considerable tool for generating notoriety for the service. Its high point was a demonstration at the International Aviation Exposition held in Frankfurt am Main, in September and October of that year. Generally, the army did not consider any of the airships they were provided with suitable for general service and would not procure any more until new models were built. They would largely be proven right when Z II was shredded while grounded during a storm, with Zeppelin’s outburst over the army’s carelessness bringing his relations with them to a new low (Robinson 47, 58).

Regardless, Zeppelin sought to renew military interest with LZ 6. Once again, this airship was derived from LZ 4, though the heavy lateral driveshaft gears connecting the engines and propellers were swapped with a steel band drive to save weight, it used more powerful 115 hp engines, included passenger accommodations in the cabin, and lacked vertical stabilizing fins. A short fabric ‘rain skirt’ was also installed around the hull to prevent rain water from dripping on the occupants of the gondolas, but it was removed as the crew felt it unduly lowered the airship’s top speed (Robinson 49). Its similarities to the three previous airships was likely an influencing factor in it receiving no trial flight. Instead, Zeppelin would fly the airship straight to Berlin on its first outing for the Whitsunday holidays. Unlike his attempted flight in LZ 5, he would not be able to turn back, as he was expected to arrive at Tempelhof Field where the Emperor awaited him. He was firmly reminded of this in a series of demanding telegrams from the Emperor, something the Count would have to heed now that he was in the graces of the court.

Count Zeppelin with his airship during the Berlin trip. (Bundesarchiv)

The airship departed August 24th at the command of Dürr, the Count having recently undergone surgery and unable to make the flight until after the airship stopped to refuel at Bitterfield. Trouble arose several hours after departure, as the lighter steel band drives immediately showed themselves to be less durable than the bevel gears. A former navy man, Helmsman Hacker was able to repair the drive, but several hours later a cylinder crack stopped one of the engines. The airship stopped at Nuremberg, awaiting a mechanic from Daimler, this detour leaving them unable to depart until the 28th. Similar problems persisted with the drive bands, but the airship would make it to Berlin on the 29th, though not in the best state (Robinson 50). However, the crowds assembled there took no notice and upon landing at Tempelhof, Zeppelin shook hands with the Emperor as the crowd cheered. The Count would also meet Oliver Wright, famed American aviator and co-inventor of the airplane, though the two would see very little promise in each other’s work (Rose 120,122). The Count and LZ 6 would remain on the public tour for some weeks, and it required a good deal of work to get the airship running well again. They went so far as to borrow the propellers from the army airship Z II. After giving the first aerial tours of the city to members of the Reichstag and public officials around the country, LZ-6 would return again to the hangar at Manzell before being presented at the 1909 International Aviation Exposition at Frankfurt in September. From a temporary shed built on the grounds, the airship gave passenger flights up and down the Rhine. These flights attracted little military interest but captivated the public, and to them, it seemed that the long awaited dream of air travel had been made a reality.

LZ 6 from bellow. (Wikimedia)

LZ 6’s return would see it sent to a new tent shed at Friedrichshafen, with the former floating hangars to be dismantled. With its publicity tour over, Zeppelin sought to rebuild the airship in the hopes of selling it to the military. A third engine, a Maybach 150 hp model, was added in the former passenger cabin which was geared to a pair of hull mounted propellers, allowing it to make a new top speed of 58 km/h. This was later removed for some time after it was believed to be a fire hazard, being mounted so close to the ship’s hydrogen cells. LZ-6 would also temporarily receive an experimental radio set, though the sum of these modifications would be altered again in the spring when the ship was dismantled and rebuilt. It was lengthened by eight meters, the third engine was reintroduced in the rear engine car, and the stabilizers were reworked. The biplane stabilizers at the back were combined into a single, large stabilizer, from which the elevators and rudders hung. The aft ‘barndoor’ rudder was also removed, with a fixed, vertical stabilizing fin taking its place. In all, the ship could now make 56 mk/h and was far more stable in flight. This however, was not enough to convince the army to purchase it.

With the failure to sell more airships to the military, Zeppelin was in a bind. While the extremely generous public donations could keep him afloat for the time being, he would need to find a means of consistent income for the company. Colsman, the corporation’s finance chief, had a brilliant solution. Given the public’s incredible enthusiasm for the airships, naturally they would prove the ideal customer base, and thus he proposed the Deutsche Luftschiffahrts-Aktien-Gesselschaft (DELAG), or German Airship Transport Company. In other words, the world’s first airline.

The First Airline

Zeppelin detested the idea, as he considered his airships the weapon to make the German army unparalleled in field and to boost the prestige of the country by carrying the flag, just as the expanding German navy did. While he had once considered civilian applications for the airship in the 1890’s, years in the limelight and his rehabilitation in military circles had firmly shifted his view, to him, the airship was first and foremost a weapon. However, Zeppelin Gmbh. was not the small outfit driven by one unshakable nobleman like that which preceded it. The decision went before the board of directors, who decided in favor of the airline. DELAG was founded on November 9, 1909 with the hope of beginning operations in the summer of the following year.

The shrewd and energetic Colsman proved right, and it wasn’t long until he had amassed the three million mark starting capital and the backing of the famous Hamburg-America shipping line, who would be the primary means of ticket sales and advertisement. Many larger cities soon sent requests to be included, with the mayors of Frankfurt, Cologne, Dusseldor, Baden-Baden, Munich, Leipzig, Dresden, and Hamburg soon joining the airline’s board of directors, and with several seeing to it that airship sheds were assembled in their respective cities (Robinson 52, Eckener 15). While orders for commercial airships were placed, they proceeded to organize the first operations using LZ 6 and the newly completed LZ 7 ‘Deutschland’.

Deutschland was built along the same lines as the modified LZ-6, and was the first to carry passengers for the airline. It was a stretched design some 148 meters long with a capacity for 19,340 cubic meters of hydrogen and a useful lift of 4,990 kilograms, with up to 1,496 kilograms of that being fuel. However, its real innovations were found in the once austere sightseeing cabin. The former canvas box was now a comfortable sitting and viewing room, which was of high layer plywood construction covered in mahogany sheets with mother of pearl inlays on its pillars and ceiling beams. The carpeting and comfortable wicker furniture added to the finery, and given the length of the flights, a small galley with matching aluminum cutlery was also wisely included. Lastly, it was the first to carry a lavatory, it also being aluminum to save weight. Behind all of this were a series of aluminum struts and cables which anchored it firmly to the hull (Robinson 55, Rose 134).

The Deutschland was still very much a derivative of LZ-3, which while versatile, was dated. (Wikimedia)

It was captained by former Prussian Airship Battalion Captain Kahlenhberg, as despite the several airships flown over the years, there was no sizable pool of experienced aviators to recruit from. The foremost of these were Zeppelin himself, who could not be convinced, and Dürr, who was otherwise occupied in his role as head designer for the firm. The first flight would be to Dusseldorf, the city which managed to complete their hangar first. It was scheduled for June 28 with a passenger list of 23, mostly journalists who had been invited by Colsman. The expectation was a flight of three hours, which began after a breakfast of caviar and champagne. Unfortunately, the crew had departed without a weather report. After the failure of an engine, the ship was left floundering in higher than expected winds. Deutschland struggled for hours through turbulence, violent gusts, and rain with one officer making the mistake of telling a concerned passenger ‘we do not know what will happen.’ Captain Kahlenburg was unable to prevent the underpowered, unbalanced airship from making a crash landing in the Teutoburg forest. Thus ending the short stopover flight that became a nine hour endurance test for everyone aboard. Apart from a crewmember who made a dramatic leap from the rear gondola, and fractured his leg, there were no injuries. Understandably, the journalists’ impressions were quite poor and the airship was disassembled and shipped back to Friedrichshafen where it would be rebuilt (Robinson 56 Rose 136).

Kahlenburg was laid off, and in his place Dr. Eckener became both a pilot and head of flight operations for DELAG. His first action was to familiarize himself with airship piloting on LZ 6, making some 34 flights, though this airship was soon damaged beyond repair after a fire in its hangar. With this accident, hopes were placed on the up and coming LZ 8 Deutschland II, made mostly from the reclaimed material of the previous ship. LZ 8 was identical to its ill-fated predecessor, and was likewise as ill-fated. With Eckener at the helm on its first passenger outing, he allowed himself to be pressured by the crowd to bring out the airship in a dangerous crosswind. Deutchsland II was subsequently knocked alongside the hangar and bent out of shape. Eckener claimed this cured him of all recklessness thereafter, and he subsequently went to completely reform flight operations at DELAG (Eckener 16).

The rebuilt Deutschland was met with an end that was as embarrassing as it was avoidable, but it thankfully motivated such a strict safety regimen that DELAG never suffered such an accident again. (Wikimedia)

Dr. Eckener isolated the causes of accidents that had plagued operations thus far, and focused on ensuring that DELAG airships would be crewed by veteran airmen who would have the benefit of extensive weather reports and more reliable equipment. The board was willing to give it another try, and authorized the construction of a new, modern airship. This new ship was LZ 8 Schwaben, which was shorter, more maneuverable, had a useful capacity of 6486 kilogram, and used new 145hp Maybach engines which would prove far more reliable. It made its first, and very promising, trial flight on June 26, 1911 where it made for 75 kilometers an hour (Robinson 59). Many of these advancements came as a result of Dürr accepting a variety of new concepts from junior designers, key among these was in rejecting the continuous lengthening of airships to boost their lift, and placing a greater focus on theoretical testing and problem solving, rather than building a ship and continuously modifying it as difficulties arose.

Schwaben was the first Zeppelin to have all its control surfaces at the rear, where they would remain on all future Zeppelin airships. (SFO Museum)

Along with the new airship came a series of reforms to DELAG’s flight guidelines. Crew training was standardized and captains in particular were required to have a thorough understanding of their vessels and to have participated in 150 flights before they would be allowed to command an airliner. The training program would be so successful that the military would send their crews to train with DELAG during their off season. Some would even fly passengers during the airline’s regular service (Rose 138). These procedural improvements were to extend to the ground crews, both to improve the tricky process of moving an airship in and out of its shed, and to avoid the kinds of accidents such as the one which claimed LZ-6. In that case an unmarked can of gasoline was thrown over a fire in the hopes of dousing it. Facilities were thus overhauled and staffed with thoroughly trained professionals. Perhaps most importantly of all were the stations for meteorological reporting. Unlike Kahlenberg, future DELAG captains would benefit from near nationwide weather reports from the series of meteorological stations which captains could contact at any time over the radio. Even without the radio they would have access to wind maps which charted the typical currents over Germany and allowed captains to safely determine new courses should their first choice be unavailable. Should all else have failed, emergency depots were established along common routes where airships could stop for repairs and fuel.

In order to avoid accidents while departing the hangar in a cross wind, the airships were tethered to trolleys called Laufen Katzen, or running cats after being likened to cats running across the top of a fence. (SFO Museum)

With these improvements, Schwaben was well equipped when it began passenger service in the summer of 1911. With all the methods worked out and potential dangers addressed, passenger flights went off without a hitch. A typical flight saw passengers assemble early in the morning, when winds were at their weakest, and allowed them to see the airship as it was serviced and brought out. When they departed the airship was almost impossibly smooth as it pulled away from the ground and began its journey. While the passengers traveled to a variety of locations and took in the view they were provided with a series of refreshments. The meager provisions aboard Deutschland paled in comparison to what Schwaben’s passengers enjoyed. Along with a considerable wine list that boasted a selection of Rhine, Moselle, and Bordeaux along with champagne, passengers were served a selection of cold dishes such as caviar, Strasbourg pate de foie gras, and Westphalian ham (Robinson 59). All of this was enjoyed in relative silence as the canvas skin and hydrogen cells dampened the sound from the propellers.

The main attraction beyond all of this was the view of the country from the air, as while this was a passenger service, its lack of fixed schedules could mean a wait of several days as weather cleared or repairs were made. Tickets too were steeply priced, owing to the limited number of seats aboard and high operating costs. A ticket could cost between 100 to 600 marks depending on the destination, though many passengers didn’t pay for their own seats as they were invited to garner publicity for the service. It was very common for periodicals and newspapers to send their own aboard to gather material. Along with journalists were VIPs, such as notable public figures, and foreign dignitaries the state wanted to impress. Those unable to purchase a ticket had the option of watching one of the many films made aboard the airliners or visiting one of the many DELAG airports located across Germany.

In the several weeks following its entrance to service, Schwaben was a hit. After the miserable year of 1910, it seemed as if the airline had not only been improved, but practically perfected.

The Golden Years

Viktoria Luise would introduce a number of notable improvements, chief of which was a larger passenger compartment. (Wikimedia)

As Schwaben was refitted following its stowage in the previous winter, it was joined by a slightly larger airship, LZ 11 Viktoria Luise. Named for the Emperor’s daughter, its design and performance were nearly identical to the Schwaben, save for its redesigned elevators and rudders. The year would start well, though an accident would leave Schwaben burned on June 28. It was traced to a static discharge caused by the rubberised fabric which formed its hydrogen cells. No one was aboard the grounded airship, though the public was momentarily disquieted. To allay fears, the Dusseldorf maintenance team took the blame while Colsman quietly shifted to the use of cells made of cotton and goldbeater’s skin. This material was a finely woven cotton fabric laminated with chemically treated sheets of cow intestine, which while unpleasant to produce, was lighter than the rubberized fabric while remaining just as durable, and removed any chance of static discharges (Chollet 6). Apart from the loss of Schwaben, operations continued without trouble for the remainder of the year.

Operations were expanded by a new airship, LZ 13 Hansa, named for the medieval Hanseatic league of merchants which spanned the Baltic. Identical to the Viktoria Luise, it was completed July 30 and took Schwaben’s place. For the remainder of the year Viktoria Luise and Hansa operated out of the double hangar built in Hamburg, where at the end of autumn, they were used to train the first Naval air crews. At the end of this training period, Hansa was flown over the High Seas Fleet Parade and the naval maneuvers that followed it. Ironically, Zeppelin’s civilian operation had managed to capture the military’s interest more so than any direct appeal.

Passengers sightseeing aboard Hansa. (Ryan Smith)

By the start of the 1913 season, DELAG was an international sensation, and in Germany, a technological achievement of immense pride. Shortly after Hansa and Viktoria Luise had entered service, they were joined by LZ-17 Sachsen. This ship, named for the region it would service, was slightly shorter than its contemporaries though built with a wider diameter, and held the highest lifting capabilities of the three . It was completed on May 3, 1913 and was sent to a shed at Leipzig where it operated from thereafter (Robinson 333). During the summer season all three ships were in service, and each operated out of its own region. Hansa left Hamburg for Potsdam, to service Berlin, and Viktoria Luise was sent to Frankfurt.

Hansa comes in to land. (Wikimedia)

These regional flights would ensure the airships were seen over and around most of Germany’s largest cities. What was once a curiosity that rarely strayed from the Bodensee was now a common sight for millions of Germans, one that stirred both patriotic fervor, and a curiosity and optimism for what the future held. While a relatively small proportion of Germans would ever fly aboard these airships, they drew massive crowds around the cities they visited and at the sheds where they were stored. Sadly, the entire enterprise was cut short by the beginning of the Great War, and the airships were turned over to the military during the period of general mobilization. Practically overnight, DELAG had ceased to exist, and in the end, it’s difficult to know how successfully DELAG would have been had it continued to operate its three airships. When its airships were pressed into military service, the company was still operating in the red, though its operating costs were plummeting and the proportion of paying versus invited passengers had climbed steadily. Regardless of its financial forecast, DELAG’s technical achievements would not be rivaled again for over twenty years. Its airships carried a total of 34,208 passengers over a distance of 1,172,529 kilometers, nearly five times the Earth’s circumference (Rose153).

The Zeppelin at War

Despite the Count’s enthusiasm that his airships would prove a decisive weapon in any war to come, this would not prove to be the case. In the years DELAG was operating, the German military had received a number of airships, though they never effectively developed their offensive capabilities. Both the Army and the Navy possessed a small fleet of Zeppelin airships, each with very different missions in mind, with the Army placing an emphasis on bombing, and the Navy on reconissance. In contrast with the well coordinated and professional civilian operation, both the Army and the Navy would suffer numerous accidents, the worst of which befalling the Navy’s L.2. The ship burned as a result of design choices from the Naval representative, Felix Pietsker, who was at Friedrichshafen to oversee its construction. He demanded the airship’s keel be placed within the hull to streamline it and bring the engines in closer to the hull, both choices being strongly criticized by Dürr as being unsafe. During a test flight, the inner keel collected leaking hydrogen, which otherwise would have exited through the top of the airship, and was subsequently set alight by the heat of the engines. All 28 aboard would be the first to die on a burning airship, and with the war on the horizon, they would not be the last (Rose 151).

Most surprisingly, no specialized weapons were developed for the airships, which as bombers first carried 15 and 21cm artillery shells which were ejected from the airship over the target. These were used by the Army’s Zeppelins in the opening weeks of the war, but it soon became clear that these low flying airships were too vulnerable to groundfire to be of any real use (Robinson 86). This realization would push airship design evolution faster than any previous motivator. Among the first major new additions were the cruciform tail sections added to the M-Class airships. This feature had been pioneered by the rival Schuttz-Lanz airship company, and would markedly improve the handling and aerodynamics of the airship. Previously, Zeppelin’s had blunt tail sections, which were initially believed to be aerodynamically superior, but the taper on the newer models allowed for far better stability at speed. Enclosed gondolas were also added, being more or less essential for long patrols over the sea. Perhaps the most important of all was the introduction of duralumin on LZ 26 which enabled the construction of larger and stronger airship hulls (Robinson 89). The first airships to combine all of these features were the P-Class ships, which were very capable maritime patrol aircraft and were used on the first raids on London.

L12, a P-Class airship, the class would prove to be excellent naval patrol vessels and far more comfortable for their crews over the older, open gondola ships. (IWM)

As strategic bombers, the Zeppelins were ineffective. While at first they were surprisingly resilient to bullets and artillery splinters, the introduction of better training for anti aircraft crews and special phosphorus-core bullets for aircraft would see them fight a losing battle that would only end weeks before the war itself did. Zeppelins were built to fly ever higher to try and avoid these threats, and they flew their raids at night to try and avoid detection and artillery spotters. They would fail, but they would produce much more robust and versatile airships which remained very capable maritime patrol aircraft. The prime of these being the R-Class.

These ships entered service in 1916 with a host of new improvements. The new class did away with the long, inefficient cylindrical sections in favor of a teardrop shape which both reduced drag and vastly increased internal capacity. They were also the first to carry six engines, these being Maybach HSLu motors capable of producing 240Hp which gave them a trial speed of roughly 60 kilometers an hour. The hydrogen controls too were improved, with a responsive electric control system allowing for more precise and sensitive inputs, which were necessary when the airship operated at or above its maximum loaded ceiling of 3962 meters. In all, virtually every aspect of these ships had been improved (Robinson 120. Stahl 84-89). Unbeknownst to the German Navy, who were looking for better bombers to wage their ineffectual nightly war, Zeppelin had built a truly exceptional intercontinental aircraft.

The R-Class possessed a revolutionary teardrop hull shape, which vastly improved its aerodynamic qualities over the previous cylindrical forms. (Hauptkull)

On the night of July 26, 1917, Captain Ernst Lehmann set out on the longest patrol of the war thus far. With the standard R-Class airship, LZ 120, he patrolled the Baltic Sea for 101 hours. This ‘experiment’ was conducted with a considerable load of 1202 kilograms of bombs, 16918 kilograms of fuel, with a crew of 29. With his men divided into three watches, and running only three engines at a time, LZ 120 endured poor weather and successfully enacted engine repairs, all while dodging thunderstorms. When they returned to their base at Seerappen, the airship remained in good condition with enough fuel in its tanks for 14 more hours (Robinson 251, Stahl 89). As astounding as this feat was, it would soon be outdone.

In light of Lehmann’s record setting patrol, the German army now looked to the Zeppelin to undertake a truly groundbreaking mission. It seemed to all that General Lettow-Vorbeck’s troops, alone in Africa and low on supplies, were fighting on borrowed time. It was clear that the only way to reach them, and deliver vital supplies, was by airship. Thus a specially modified R-Class airship was prepared, L-59, which was lengthened and lightened to carry out the special mission. The 750 foot airship was to fly to Lettow-Vorbeck from Jamboli, Bulgaria, to the beleaguered general some 7000 kilometers away. It carried approximately 16,238 kilograms of cargo, and would be disassembled with its aluminum and fabric repurposed into radio towers and bandages. KorvettenKapitan Ludwig Bockholt set off from Jamboli on November 21, 1917 under strict radio silence. They passed through thunderstorms over the Mediterranean before crossing into North Africa, which would prove even more treacherous due to the updrafts which threw the ship about over the deserts. The heat too caused excessive hydrogen loss which had to be offset by dumping large amounts of ballast. They would cross the desert and receive a signal from Berlin, advising them to turn back as Lettow-Vorbeck’s forces had been defeated. In reality, the guerrilla general had pressed on into Portuguese Mozambique, where he had gathered the supplies he needed. Bockholt ordered the ship back with some arguments among the crew, and was back in Jamboli on November 25. In all his ship had been airborne for 95 hours and had traveled some 6760 kilometers, and upon its return still carried enough fuel for 64 hours more (Robinson 253-255, Stahl 90-91). Theoretically, L59 could have traveled to Chicago one way from Friedrichshafen, or potentially to New York and back.

The lengthened L59. (Hauptkull)

The rapid advancements in airship design during the war were incredible, though their use against civilians would leave a black mark which they could never truly wash away. England in particular bore deep scars as a result of the ‘baby-killers’, and as if to mark the end of an era, Zeppelin had passed away in March of 1917 at the age of 78. Despite the dark turn his invention had taken, many still viewed the count favorably, and in a May 1917 edition of the New York times he was placed as an equal alongside the Wright Brothers and praised for the years of dedication and disappointment he had spent honing his creation (Rose177). In the end, the war would cripple airship production and design in Germany, as the state was subsequently banned from operating large airships, and many of its Zeppelins were turned over to the Allies or destroyed by their crews. Many airship veterans, and even historians, would continue to state decades after the war, that the raids over England held down ‘a million men’ from being deployed to the continent. In reality, by June of 1918, Britain had exactly 6,136 men devoted to home air defense, and the total wartime damages from strategic bombing amounted to 1.5 million GBP. This compares rather poorly to the equivalent of 13.25 million GBP spent on airship construction, to say nothing of the hundreds of Gotha and Zeppelin Staaken biplane bombers built (Rose 173).

 

The Crossroads

Without their primary customer, and more or less totally banned from building their main product, the Zeppelin company was seemingly at the end of the line. Colsman, seeking to rapidly increase revenue, attempted to pivot the enterprise away from airships towards cars and consumer goods, regardless of the anger from the true believers in the firm. However, the economic crises that emerged in Germany after the war rendered the plan hopeless; there would one day be a market for luxury Maybach cars, but it was very far off.

A brief power struggle in the company ensued with Dr. Eckener becoming its head over the firebrand Captain Lehmann, who had taken part in destroying several Navy airships which were to be turned over to the Allies. Dr. Eckener found a loophole in the treaty which threatened to destroy the company; while Germany wasn’t allowed to possess an airship, the Versailles treaty did not explicitly prevent any private enterprise from building or operating airships of their own (Rose 194). With this in mind, Eckener approached Dürr and his engineers to design a new airship, one which could in no way be used for military purposes. Thus it seemed that DELAG was poised to return almost as suddenly as it had vanished back in 1914. Initially, there were plans for a trans-atlantic airliner based on a massive wartime X-class airship, but its proximity to a military design was too problematic, not to mention expensive. They accordingly settled on a small design with regional ambitions.

A model of LZ 120 is prepared for wind tunnel tests. (Wikimedia)

The design work for LZ-120 Bodensee, named for the lake from which the first Zeppelin’s flew, was completed on March 10, 1919 and first flew that August. Its design was the most efficient of any airship built up to that point, as despite being considerably shorter than the airliners that preceded it, at around 120 meters, it possessed an incredible useful lift of 44,678 kilograms and had a trial speed of 132 km/h, thanks to its four 245hp Maybach IVa motors. Perhaps most impressively of all, it could fly in all but the worst weather (Eckener 201). When fitted out for service, it was laid out in a manner similar to a passenger train within the combined cabin and control car. It possessed five compartments seating four, and one VIP cabin in the front who paid double fare. Six more seats could be fitted if the partitions were removed. As with the previous airliners the cabin was well furnished with a fine wood paneling over the structural elements and specially made aluminum and leather chairs for the passengers. At the rear of the gondola were the washroom and buffet (Robinson 258 Rose 196).

The small but quick Bodensee. (George Grantham)

When DELAG resumed service in the fall they began operating on fixed scheduling, which was made possible owing to Bodensee’s reliability and ability to fly through rain and wind. The sightseeing flights were done away with and replaced with a regular passenger route which ran from Friedrichshafen to Berlin with a stop in Munich. Generally speaking, the lax margins for luggage that existed in the pre-war DELAG were also done away with fees being added after 13 kilograms. On one occasion, a woman wearing extravagant furs brought nearly a dozen trunks aboard and tried to protest the fees which greatly exceeded that of the original ticket. In order to make up for slack during slow periods, mail was carried in place of passengers. Overall, Bodensee proved very effective, earning 500,000 marks in its first month, placing it on the road for long term profitability (Rose 196). Typical passengers were state officials, Zeppelin company personnel, and foreign visitors who could not depend on the rail network, which had been racked by strikes, coal shortages, and damaged infrastructure during the revolutions of that year.

Likely owing to tastes tempered by wartime hardships, Bodensee’s decor was subdued and looked to serve a more professional class, rather than the pleasure seekers of the Pre-war DELAG airships. (Bundesarchiv)

Eckener saw these routes as only the beginning and traveled with the airship to Stockholm in October. There he received an enthusiastic reception where he sold tickets for flights on the yet-to-be completed LZ 121 Nordstern. This was to be just the start, for the real destination for his airline was Spain. In the long term, however, his hope was in crossing the Atlantic. The Zeppelin’s long haul capabilities were well proven and shorter flights could be serviced by more modern planes, which by the mid 20’s could be flown with some semblance of safety and comfort. With long term plans seeming coming to fruition, DELAG completed the season’s operations in December, having flown on 88 out of 98 days for 532 hours, over 51,981 kilometers, and servicing 4,050 passengers. LZ 120 was placed in maintenance to be lengthened and have its control surfaces altered to compensate for its oversensitive yaw characteristics (Eckener 200, 201 Rose 198). However, these plans were not to be, as the loophole that allowed these operations was closed.

1919 was a chaotic year for most of Europe. In Germany, mass strikes of workers, and mutineers from the Army and Navy, launched a short-lived revolution in Germany after the Emperor fled and his government collapsed. (National Archives)

The Allied commission had ruled in January of 1920 that DELAG was not authorized to fly airships under the Versailles treaty, and they were instructed to turn their two airships over to France and Italy, who were to have received Navy Zeppelins that had been destroyed by their crews. Dr. Eckener would claim this was a protectionist ruling, given that the Allied commissioner, Air Commodore Masterman, was also in charge of Britain’s own flagging airship program. In any case, LZ 121 was christened Mediterranee in French service, and subsequently dismantled in roughly a year. Bodensee however, would spend many years in Italian service as the Esperia. While it never returned to regular passenger service, it made flights from time to time at numerous civil and military events from its shed in Ciampino near Rome. Most notably it accompanied the polar exploration airship N1 as it traveled to Barcelona, Spain, flew from Rome to Tripoli and back in 24 hours, and was shown to Japanese Crown Prince Hirohito during his visit in 1921. While most reparation airships were neglected and dismantled in the years following the Great War, Esperia seems to have been well maintained until it was decommissioned on July 18, 1928 (Robinson 350).

Esperia a few weeks before its decommissioning after nearly ten years of service. (Bundesarchiv)

 

With Bodensee and Nordstern out of their hands, Zeppelin seemed to be running on borrowed time once again.

The Zeppelin, Banned

Zeppelin was in trouble, but there would soon be an opportunity for them to get back on their feet. While the British airship program was largely dysfunctional, it had managed to garner interest in the technology. Their own R.34, which was largely a reverse engineered R-Class Zeppelin, had managed to cross the Atlantic, though with worrying slim margins for fuel. For the time being, the British built on this achievement with the pending sale of R.38 to the US, which subsequently was renamed ZR 2. Given American interest in the technology, Dr. Eckener offered to build the United States an airship to compensate them for the one which was promised to them under the Versailles treaty, but which its crews destroyed. The US Navy jumped at the offer and offered to pay 3.56 million gold marks for the airship, though they were stopped by Air Commodore Masterman who refused to allow the construction of the airship in Germany. This block would remain until the US Navy was preparing to receive the ZR 2.

While the British were able to replicate German airship technology, they understood it exceedingly poorly. R.38/ZR-2 was based on a high altitude airship design with a hull that was designed to be maneuvered only at high altitudes, as its beams were made thin to reduce weight. While ZR-2 was proceeding with its final trial flight, its hull shattered during a low altitude turn at 99 kilometers an hour and it exploded. Of its 42 crew and passengers, only 5 survived. The US Navy was outraged. They directly accused the British of protectionism with the intent to force them to purchase their dangerous aircraft, and in the maelstrom of backlash, the German airship ban was lifted. The US Navy and Dr. Eckener soon agreed to an airship specified to be only used for civilian purposes, and that Zeppelin would shift production to consumer goods after it would be completed. All involved knew that neither clause would be observed, but Masterman was forced to accept their terms regardless (Rose 221, 222).

The US Navy soon sent representatives to Friedrichshafen to oversee the design and production of LZ 126/ZR-3. The partnership between Zeppelin and the US Navy proved amicable in 1922, and eventually it was agreed to establish a US based entity for airship production, Goodyear-Zeppelin, the following year. Work on the new airship progressed as smoothly as one could have hoped during such difficult times.

LZ-6 is brought into the Lakehurst hangar for the first time. It was soon to be rechristened as the USS Los Angeles. (Wikimedia)

ZR-3 was launched in 1924, the large airship looking akin to a much larger, and stretched LZ 120. The airship was not merely a means of keeping the company afloat but to test the new technologies that could very well make trans-Atlantic air travel safe and reliable. Eckener himself flew ZR-3 out of Friedrichshafen on October 12, 1924, and despite some concerns about the airship’s maximum range, ZR-3 made the flight from Germany to the U.S. handily, despite running into a storm and encountering a headwind which slowed the ship down to 48 kilometers an hour. The airship flew over New York for several hours before proceeding to its shed at Lakehurst, New Jersey where it was met by a tremendous crowd. The ship would soon become the USS Los Angeles, and its success did more than save the company, it proved intercontinental air travel was more than achievable, it could be done safely and comfortably (eckener 27, 28).

The USS Los Angeles on parade over New York, joined by two US navy blimps, including the aluminum clad ZMC-2. (imgur)

ZR-3 also proved to be somewhat of a political litmus test. In the early Weimar period, its politics were especially volatile and Eckener had to brave these winds in order to accomplish anything. Whereas Count Zeppelin played the Imperial Court, Eckener faced liberals, conservatives, and political extremists of almost every variety. He did exceedingly well. The Zeppelin itself, a symbol of ‘the good old days’, played well with conservatives, liberals were satisfied with his ability to reinvent and grow the company in hard times, and the company’s large industrial workforce and generous benefits saw him receive congratulations from socialists and some communists. In terms of the far-right, he ranged from disinterest to outright hostility. Among the Nazis there was little interest in airships in general. Herman Goering, one of the movement’s leaders and former ace fighter pilot, saw airships as quaint and dated, with most in the party sharing his sentiments. Some members of even more extremist organizations claimed Eckener and Zeppelin had sold Germany out by giving ZR-3 to the US. Ultranationalists would go on to accuse the company of being controlled by a Jewish cabal and Eckener himself was the target of a young man with a rifle who had sworn to kill him, who was subsequently arrested (Rose 232). Eventually, some nationalists would be satisfied by Zeppelin’s all German operation and the ZR3 “controversy” would be left in the past. Despite this, the work at Zeppelin would proceed apace, especially as the German economy stabilized in the mid 20’s and many of the most dangerous fringe political groups had burnt out or had fallen out of public view, if only for the time being.

With a more or less stable political footing, and as the US Navy began to work their new airship into service, Dr. Eckener planned the next major step for Zeppelin.

The Graf

Eckener wanted an airship to build on the promise ZR-3 showed in its cross Atlantic outing. However, a roadblock appeared between Eckener and his new airliner, he hadn’t the money. The start-up capital to build and operate a new airship amounted to some 7 million marks, and to try and reach this figure he would attempt to repeat the miracle of Echterdingen. The press campaign began in July of 1925, and through donations and the sale of memorabilia, he was only able to amass 2.5 million marks, suitable enough for only the ship’s construction and nothing more. In short, the average German was far less secure in their finances, while the affluent noble class, once patrons of the old count, were gone (Rose 249). To make matters worse, airplanes had made significant strides in both safety and passenger capacity. Gone were the temperamental and fragile canvas and wooden biplanes, now in their place were solid plywood marvels like the Fokker F.VII and the all metal Junkers F.13, which rapidly took over intercity air travel during the mid 20’s.

Graf Zeppelin undergoing skinning in the Friedrichshafen hangar. (Zeppelin GMBH)

Regardless, Eckener pressed on, and between 1925 and 26 he gave nearly a hundred lectures on a press circuit which bolstered fundraising efforts. Once it was clear appeals to the public had reached their limit, he would make a personal request to President Paul Hindenburg, which brought a state contribution of 2 million more marks. The last of the money was found in selling assets from Zeppelin’s subsidiary companies (Eckener30, Rose 287). With the funds in hand, the design work was finalized with the new airship being what was, more or less, a larger derivative of LZ 126 with some cutting edge features. However, the new LZ 127 would not be the largest and most efficient airship the company was capable of building, but rather it was a proof of concept that would show that commercial, oceanic air travel was possible. While they had the funds for a new airship, they were still restricted by the size of their hangar at Friedrichshafen, which would prevent them from building airships much larger than the wartime X-Class for years to come.

Graf Zeppelin’s lounge prepared for dining service. (Yurigagarin-flickr)

By early 1927, LZ 127’s design work had been completed, and while built along the same lines as ZR3, it was fully furnished for passenger comfort. The combined gondola would contain the control and navigation facilities, along with the passengers rooms and amenities. The fore section contained the control room, a radio room, and a navigation room for use for the crew, and behind it was the kitchen, dining room and lounge, and passenger quarters. At the rear of the gondola were the stairs which led to the main crew quarters which contained mostly the same amenities, though with none of the fineries which existed below. The style of the passenger quarters evoked that of the famous and luxurious American Pullman railcars, though with some clever features. The passenger berths served dual purposes, by day they were lounges where passengers could take meals and relax in private, and by night they could be converted to a two bunk cabin.

Each 2 person passenger berth could be converted into a lounge during the day. (Zeppelin GMBH)

While LZ-127 could mostly be described as an enlarged version of the company’s previous airship, it did feature a number of innovations. Chief among these were its new Maybach VL2 engines, which in addition to producing a respectable 530PS, were multifuel engines that could run on either gasoline or Blaugas. The former was a fuel specially designed for airship use, as it possessed a density very close to air and could be stored in its own gas cells below the hydrogen. This enabled them to cut weight and conserve ballast hydrogen over long trips, as unlike gasoline, when the Blaugas was burned it did not significantly alter the weight of the airship and did not require the venting of hydrogen to regain equilibrium. Gasoline usage was kept to a minimum and would typically be reserved for takeoffs. Despite much of the design being brought over from a previous project, the airship was far better equipped for long flights. Its 37 tons of Blaugas could provide fuel for around 100 hours of flight, with a similar weight of gasoline providing only 67 hours (Rose 289).

Graf Zeppelin was built to the widest diameter that could be accommodated by the wartime hangar at Friedrichshafen. (Zeppelin GMBH)

The airship was completed in early July 1928, it being brought into service on the 8th and named Graf Zeppelin, in honor of the late Count. Shortly after a series of shorter test flights, Eckener arranged for a thirty six hour endurance flight across Germany on September 18th. The original course took the ship over Leipzig, Dresden and Berlin, before proceeding to Hamburg to practice oceanic navigation at night over the North Sea. However, the low cloud cover would have prevented the public from seeing the airship along that route and so they diverted to Frankfurt and Mainz before heading on to Cologne and Dusseldorf before reaching the North Sea via the Rhine valley. As was the case so many years ago, they were met by massive crowds as they passed these cities before finally heading out to sea. On the next day their course home took them over Hamburg, Kiel, and Berlin before they proceeded south back to Friedrichshafen (Eckener 32). However, not all were pleased. During further flights in October, French authorities protested the flight over the politically contentious Rhine territories, and subsequently provided directions for the use of airships over their own territory, forcing LZ 127 to fly at night and away from any military installations. The airship’s flight over southern England would also prove rather unsettling to those living there as it brought up unpleasant memories, and the airship would only rarely travel to Britain thereafter (Rose 289).

Graf Zeppelin over Berlin’s city palace during its first overflight of the city. (Bundesarchive)

These early flights would prove extremely promising, the only major issues which arose were political in nature, and the airship itself proved superb. Naturally, Eckener pushed for a flight to Lakehurst, New Jersey.

To Lakehurst

Eckener was prepared to fulfill the promise long dreamed of since the invention of the balloon and kindled during DELAGs best years, he was going to prove air travel could deliver passengers anywhere across the world. 40 crewmen and 20 passengers were assembled for the flight, though few paid for their tickets as they were mostly there to drum up publicity. This included journalist Lady Drummond-Hay, who had come on behalf of the media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who had exclusive reporting rights in the US for the voyage. One of the four who did pay the small fortune of $3000 for a ticket was one Frederick Gilfillan, an American financier who had a plane crash and two shipwrecks under his belt (Rose 295). To add to the foreboding, the weather reports were bleak. Storms and strong winds pervaded most of the approach to New York and numerous older steamships were in distress, while more modern liners were reporting considerable delays to their arrival (Eckener 34).

Eckener took the airship out of Wilhelmshaven on October 11, 1928, opting for a longer, but hopefully calmer Southern approach. The other captains, Fleming and Schiller, agreed to take a course South to the Mediterranean via the Alps, then to Gibraltar, followed by the Azores, and finally proceeding across the Atlantic to the airfield at Lakehurst. This earliest section of the voyage proved the most enjoyable as passengers and crew overflew the scenic Northern Mediterranean with largely agreeable weather. This however, was not to last. As after they flew west off the Azores, they ran into a storm front, and in the midst of exchanging the deck crew for the most experienced members, the nose dipped. Pots and pans clattered to the floor, the breakfast table settings slid from the cloth, and thunder rang out. While the crew remained in control through the rough weather, the passengers were no less terrified (Eckener 39). However, more shockingly, the crew would discover a wide swath of fabric had been torn from the lower port elevator and stabilizing fin, and threatened to jam the controls. By the time this was recognized, the Graf Zeppelin was in the middle of the Atlantic and three days from US navy assistance. After Eckener reported the incident to the Navy, he dispatched a repair team, which included his own son, and informed the passengers of the situation.

The repair team luckily found the damage to be less threatening than they had worried, and that they would be able to reattach the third of fabric that had remained , while cutting away the fluttering edges. The repairmen wore safety tethers while they clung to the outside of the airship and endured the roughly 80 kilometer an hour slipstream as the ship bobbed up and down as the control crew compensated for the increase in weight brought on by the rain. The repair crew worked for around five hours until the ship could rely on the fin once more (Eckener 41).

The result of the storm damage. (Wikimedia)

While the ship was no longer in danger, the new problem became boredom and discomfort. Safety precautions prevented the kitchen from using its electric stoves, lukewarm coffee was served in glasses, as all the china cups had broken in the morning, and, perhaps most distressingly, the beer and wine had run out. The passengers, with the exception of Lady Drummond-Hay who brought plenty of warm clothes, learned just how chilly the Atlantic could get, as the airship had little insulation. Though, the passengers discomfort was eclipsed by the elation of the crowd that gathered to see the ship as it flew over Washington DC, Baltimore, and Philadelphia before it went on to New York. This would prove prudent, as it showed the public that despite the damage it had taken, it was in no danger and capable of traveling wherever its crew saw fit (Rose 299, Eckener 43).

The discomfort of many of the passengers was quickly overshadowed by the Graf Zeppelin’s arrival at Lakehurst. Some 150,000 people had traveled to Lakehurst, where they were policed only by some 76 marines, 50 sailors, and 40 state troopers. While Eckener received congratulations from President Hindenburg via telegram, he embarked on a number of press ventures and all manner of celebratory events in New York. All the while, he was kept informed of the repairs being made to the airship, which would take 12 days and delay their return to Freidrichshafen until October 28.

Graf Zeppelin often shared the Lakehurst hangar with the USS Los Angeles during its visits to New York. (Wikimedia)

In all, the trip was successful but with mixed results. On a financial basis, the trip was successful in that it was profitable going one way. The operating costs were judged at $54,000 one way, with cargo and passenger revenues bringing in roughly $70,000; beyond that were the press deals which saw Zeppelin receive some $83,000, though these were likely to be considerably reduced for a regular commercial route. Eckener would claim a profit of $100,000, which considering the one million plus price of the airship, meant long term profitability was feasible.

The performance of the airship in the press was seen as both groundbreaking, yet unimpressive. From Germany to the US, the cross Atlantic voyage took some 111 hours, which actually compared poorly to the world’s fastest ocean liner, RMS Mauretania, which managed the crossing in 107. However this would be dispelled when Graf Zeppelin made the return trip in better weather, without detours, and arrived 72 hours later (Rose 301). Passenger comforts too were an issue compared with the ocean liner, though with a larger liquor cabinet and a gramophone with an ample selection of records, things were markedly improved on subsequent voyages.

Chief of all were safety concerns, as despite the airship being capable of handling the storm and subsequent damage better than any plane, it was still extremely concerning to any serious customer base. There was however, one feat which could allay these concerns for good, a world tour. However with the winter fast approaching, such a trip would be put off until a more favorable season.

Egypt Bound

The Graf Zeppelin would fly twice across the Mediterranean, visiting many of its most ancient landmarks (bsmith2123)

While a world tour was not feasible for several more months, a trip eastward was planned to raise publicity and bring in much needed capital. To promote the airship, a number of high level government officials and members of the press were invited. The choice of location would be Eastern Mediterranean, and much like the pre-war DELAG flights, the emphasis was on sightseeing. A particularly frigid winter would delay the flight four weeks until March 21, 1929, whereafter the Graf Zeppelin flew to a more hospitable region. It made its way down the French Riviera, after which it passed over Corsica and Elba on its way to Italy.

As they over flew Rome, with its ancient and modern sights alike, they sent a telegram to the head of Italy, Benito Mussolini. “Filled with admiration as we look down on Eternal Rome with its timeless remembrance of a glorious past, and its lively activity as a flourishing modern metropolis, we respectfully send our greetings and our good wishes to the genius of this splendid city.” Eckener would derisively say that he wondered if Mussolini would believe himself to be the “genius” of the city. The response would read “Many thanks for your friendly greeting! I wish you a happy journey. Mussolini.” (Eckener 59). From Rome it was on to Napoli, then Eastward across the sea to the Isle of Crete. Their arrival in the Eastern Mediterranean came with the end of the chill that had followed them since their departure from Friedrichshaven. With the last of the coats coming off, the airship made its way to Tel Aviv, and on to Jerusalem with the ship spending the night above the Dead Sea.

Graf Zeppelin over Jerusalem. (The Atlantic)

Unfortunately, the Graf Zeppelin was denied passage over Egypt by the British Foreign Office. This was likely because they wished to be the first with their own airships, which in a few years time were to fly from England, to Egypt, and then on to India. Eckener would be forced to tell King Fuad of Egypt that the weather prevented any landing there. However in 1930, the Graf Zeppelin would repeat this flight and would carry aboard a number of distinguished Egyptian passengers who were flown over the Pyramids and north, over the coast to Palestine.

During the first flight however, the airship overflew the coasts before heading Northward to Greece. They reached Athens at 6 am, there flying over the ancient Acropolis and then on to Mount Olympus. The planned overflights of Romania and Istanbul were canceled after deep cloud cover was reported over much of the region, and thus they returned to Athens, to the enthusiasm of those who slept through the airship’s first visit. From there it was West to Corinth before making the return trip to Friedrichshaven. The route home was to be over the Dinaric Alps, on to Pressburg and Vienna, before heading west and home. Apart from some passes through narrow clearings, and a blizzard which came on as they passed over Vienna, the return trip was uneventful. In fact, Eckener himself was glad for the poor weather as he was able to impress upon his passengers the safety of the airship and its ability to handle the elements (Eckener 65).

The Egypt flight of 1929 would prove an incredible and undeniable success in comparison to the admittedly rough Atlantic voyage. In addition to the views of some of the most ancient sites across the region, there were no hiccups in regards to lapses in comfort or entertainment, as the ship passed over the less exciting spaces in the dead of night. Perhaps most importantly of all, the ship’s reliability shone through with no major mechanical issues being reported during the flight.

Around the World

A postcard illustrating the course of the world voyage. (The Atlantic)

With the sight seeing trip behind him, Eckener now had the ideal Autumn weather to prove once and for all the safety and reliability of his airships. The route was largely predetermined as the Graf Zeppelin would need to stop at suitably sized hangers to take on new supplies and undergo any serious maintenance should trouble arise. The ship could take on fuel, ballast, and hydrogen at a simple airship tether, but there it would also be at the mercy of the weather. As such, Graf Zeppelin would fly East over the Soviet Union and make a brief appearance in Moscow, then proceed to Kasumigaura Air Base near Tokyo, where a former wartime zeppelin shed had been transferred and rebuilt. From there it was across the Pacific to America, then to Lakehurst outside of New York, and home again after crossing the Atlantic. However, a wrinkle formed in this plan when William Randolph Hearst, who would pay $100,000 for exclusive media rights in the US and Britain, requested that Eckener begin the journey from Lakehurst. His deal covered a good amount of the overall operating expenses of the trip, valued at around $225,000, much of the sum being spent on shipping 25,003 cubic meters of blau gas to Tokyo. Eckener’s solution was simple: fly Graf Zeppelin to Lakehurst, announce the voyage to the English speaking press there, and then fly back to Friedrichshaven and announce it again to the German press. In doing so he placated Hearst and the more nationalist elements within his own country.

The rest of the expenses were largely paid through passenger and mail fares, though again, few bought their own tickets. The overwhelming majority of passengers were there on behalf of newspapers and a variety of media groups whose focus was on travel, though a single ticket could cost upwards of $2,500. Beyond that was a hefty $50,000 gained through German media deals, and a number of limited postage stamp sets which sold very well among collectors. Despite the record setting nature of the flight, it was to bring in some $40,000 after covering the considerable supply hurdles (Eckener 68, 69).

The Graf Zeppelin departed for Lakehurst on August 1, 1929. This was to be a fairly unremarkable flight save for its two special passengers, Sue, a baby gorilla, and Louis, a chimpanzee, who were being brought to their new home in the US. 95 hours later, they were in Lakehurst and the true voyage began (Rose 307). Graf Zeppelin would return to Friedrichshafen after an overflight of Paris. The trip so far would prove to have a markedly different atmosphere, as in addition to the card games, conversations, and the record player, which often hosted Eckener’s own collection of Beethoven and Mozart, the air was busy with the clatter of the reporter’s typewriters.

The airship would spend five days in Friedrichshafen preparing for the journey ahead, which was to cover some 20,116 kilometers. During the layover, a number of new passengers boarded including Commander Rosendahl of the US Navy, Professor Karlkin, a Soviet meteorologist, and Commander Fuiyoshi of the Imperial Japanese Navy who was accompanied by two members of the Japanese press. With a crew of 41, and 20 passengers on board, Graf Zeppelin flew east (Eckener 72, Robinson 272).

A post card depiction of Graf Zeppelin leaving Friedrichshafen after the second “start” of the voyage. (German Postal History-Stampcircuit)

Now prepared for the flight ahead, they departed and flew north east over East Prussia and the Baltics. The approach to Moscow saw the trip’s first real challenge, a low pressure area developed north of the Caspian sea and was moving north. This would create strong headwinds along the original route and could potentially strain the airship’s fuel supply, however if they chose to fly on a more northerly course they would have a favorable westerly wind. To the anger of the Soviet representative, and to the disappointment of the crowds that had gathered in Moscow, Graf Zeppelin flew north. Upon flying past the city of Perm and past the Ural mountains, it quickly became clear why they had to bypass Moscow. The immensity of the far east would have proven disastrous had they run out of fuel, it was a land which was mostly untouched and beyond human civilization. Regardless, the frustrated Soviet Press devoted a good deal of energy criticizing Eckener and leveling a number of conspiratorial allegations at his decision (Rose 309).

Beyond Central Russia was the expansive taiga which Eckener described, “Like an extraordinary, decorative carpet it blazed up at us in all its colors-green, yellow, blue, red, and orange-horribly beautiful when we thought we might have to land on this carpet and be trapped helpless and lost amid the swamps and countless criss-crossing little streams” (Eckener 75). Navigation here and across Northern Asia would prove difficult owing to the few landmarks, even the smallest villages were noted and used to chart a course, the smallest being made up of a number of tents. Among the many incredible sights on those northern latitudes were the distant villages of the Yakut people and the aurora borealis which shone over the horizon. As they neared edge of Siberia they visited the city of Yakutsk, where they dropped a wreath over the cemetery where German prisoners of the Great War were buried. From there they proceeded to the sea of Okhotsk where their trek through Siberia ended (Eckener 76-81).

Graf Zeppelin reached Hokkaido, Japan at dawn, and with good weather proceeded southward on to the Japanese mainland. The airship overflew Tokyo for some time and performed a series of maneuvers over Yokohama Harbor above the massed onlookers. When they came in to land at Kasumigaura, they were met by an immense crowd, as thousands had traveled across the country to see the airship.

A commemorative wood block print of the Zeppelin’s visit to Japan. (The Tokyo Files)

While the airship was impressive to crowds on both sides of the Atlantic, it hardly compared to the fanfare it received in Japan. While Graf Zeppelin shaved roughly two days off the next fastest way across the Atlantic, it had bridged Japan and Europe in less than four. The next fastest, and still rather exclusive method, the Trans-Siberian Railway, took two weeks. Otherwise, by fast steamer, it took nearly month. One local newspaper would claim the trip as one of mankind’s finest achievements, and the event would receive more column space than any other event in Japanese history until that point. Those aboard the airship would spend six days in Tokyo, with key members of the crew being invited to a series of events hosted by the Japanese government. Eckener and his officers would attend a lavish state banquet at Tokyo’s grandest hotel along with Japan’s highest ranking ministers and the Chief Admiral of the Navy. This however, could not compare to Eckener joining Emperor Hirohito for tea at the Imperial palace, after which he was presented with a pair of silver cups, a ceremonial sword and dagger, silk embroideries, and porcelain vases. The stay in Japan culminated in the entire crew having afternoon tea at the German embassy, with nearly every German in Japan being in attendance (Eckener 83, Robinson 273, Rose 309).

Graf Zeppelin over Yokohama Harbor. (Old Tokyo)

With their stay over, the crew prepared for the flight across the Pacific, though an accident in removing the airship from its hangar resulted in a delay until the following morning on August 23, 1929. The airship would depart minus its Soviet representative, and its Japanese contingent would be rotated out for Naval representatives Lt. Commander Ryunoske Kusaka, Major Shibata, and a reporter. The journey across the Pacific was fairly unremarkable apart from the distance traveled, and the views were often obscured by clouds and fog. Graf Zeppelin reached San Francisco on the early morning of August 25 where it was greeted by a number of airplanes and ships which had come out of the harbor to meet it. They then proceeded South to Los Angeles where it would land at Mines Field, the airship arrived late at night and went largely unseen, save for those who traveled to see it the following morning. Interestingly, the landing was made difficult due to a low altitude temperature inversion which required they valve off hydrogen as the denser layer of air otherwise prevented the ship from descending (Robinson 273). This effect is partially responsible for the region’s agreeable climate, and its smog.

The airship was greeted by half a dozen or so aviators as it reached San Francisco. (SADSM)

Unlike Tokyo, the stay would not be a long one, and after an evening with Mr. Hearst, whose massive mansion was in Los Angeles, the airship was preparing to leave again. However, upon trying to leave they were short on hydrogen and were forced to proceed at very low altitude with very little ballast, southward around the Rocky Mountains. Initially, it flew so low that it nearly struck power lines as it departed the airfield. From San Diego they traveled through New Mexico and, like the crew of the L 59 almost ten years earlier, experienced extreme updrafts which could drag the ship over a 300 meters upward. Eckener considered this the most difficult point in the journey, and he believed the region made traversing America by airship a serious gamble should one wish to travel from coast to coast. Apart from the Texas homesteader who took potshots at the airship, the flight proceeded smoothly after they reached El Paso, after which they swung north on a course that would take them over Kansas before reaching Chicago. While the airship was greeted by crowds wherever it went, Chicago’s excitement rivaled San Francisco’s as a handful of planes joined it in the air and massive crowds cluttered the roads and gathered in parks to see the airship overfly their city. On its departure, it visited the Goodyear-Zeppelin headquarters at Akron Ohio before making its way to New York to complete the journey (Eckener 90).

Chicago matched San Francisco’s excitement as Graf Zeppelin was greeted by planes, crowds, and caused massive traffic jams. (RareHistoricalPhotos)

The world flight was completed when Graf Zeppelin returned to the hangar at Lakehurst on August 27, 1929. While the airship had visited the city several times before, its reception on that date surpassed all the rest. On that day New Yorkers shredded more phone books for confetti than ever before, and after a massive reception at city hall, Eckener was invited to a meeting with President Hoover. There Hoover would tell him “I thought that the day of the great adventurers, like Columbus, Vasco de Gama, and Magellan, was in the past. Now such an adventurer is in my presence. I am happy, Dr. Eckener, that the American people have greeted you so warmly, and today would like to extend my personal good wishes for your enterprise.” (Eckener 93, 94)

Graf Zeppelin had made the 11,104 kilometers from Friedrichshafen to Tokyo in 102 hours, had crossed the 8851 of the Pacific in 79, and crossed the 5,632 of America in 52 (Rose 314). All of these were new records, and the lack of any major mishap would prove beyond a shadow of a doubt the safety and reliability of Eckener’s airship. With it completed it seemed it would be simple enough to begin a regular passenger service, though this was not to be. A massive stock market crash in the US in just a month’s time would spill over and leave the entire world economy in shambles, aviation in particular would be hit hard. All but the largest aircraft manufacturers were out of business, and what few fledging airlines existed were hit equally as hard.

The Desert and the Future

With the world in the grips of an economic catastrophe, Eckener had to redress his plans. Further airship construction would need to be put on hold and new streams of capital would need to be established. The admittedly lackluster successor to Graf Zeppelin, LZ 128, was canceled. With its cancellation also went the hope of a triangle airline scheme by which DELAG was to sell tickets which granted passengers access to North and South America and Germany. However, Graf Zeppelin completed a trial run with a complement of paying passengers and freight in 1930, flying from Friedrichshafen to Recife Brazil, and then to Lakehurst. It proved impractical, as the volatile and unpredictable North Atlantic weather made comfortable passenger travel impossible without a specially designed airship. While no additional triangle flights were conducted with Graf Zeppelin for some time, it made a profit of over $100,000. Owing to having only 11 passengers aboard, air mail and stamp sets made up most of the earnings (Rose 350).

Graf Zeppelin at Cardington field with the British airship R-100. (Fineart America)

In 1930 Graf Zeppelin made a number of publicity flights across the UK where tickets were offered for short sightseeing flights. By this point the British aversion to the Zeppelin had clearly run its course, perhaps this can be seen no clearer than when the Graf Zeppelin overflew Wembley Stadium during the FA Cup. Beyond this the Egyptian tour was revisited again, and with the tragic demise of the British Imperial Airship scheme after the crash of R-101, Zeppelins were allowed full reign over the region.

Graf Zeppelin would finally dispel Britain’s phobias during its English visit, here overflying Wembley Stadium during the FA cup. (Wolves)

In the meantime, Graf Zeppelin was hired out to complete a scientific survey of the North Pole in 1931. Without passenger fare, reporting rights and stamp sets would bring in most of the profits. Incredible concerns were raised over the Arctic weather and icing, which could disturb the airship’s equilibrium. Despite being seriously damaged by a hail storm, Graf Zeppelin completed the survey along with the Soviet icebreaker, Malygin.

Zeppelin survived these financially tumultuous years by very narrow margins, and oddly enough, was kept afloat by stamp collectors who drove up the price of the limited edition sets the company commissioned. However, in 1931, there were bright spots on the horizon for DELAG. Graf Zeppelin was to begin a regular international service to South America, and a new airship was being developed for cross Atlantic service.

Regular Service to South America

The airship landing field at Recife, Brazil. (picryl)

While regular triangle passenger flights between the three continents were well beyond the capabilities for Graf Zeppelin, it could chart a service to South America with ease. While the North Atlantic was frigid and temperamental, and had previously proven extremely uncomfortable for passengers, the tropical and relatively warm waters of the South were ideal. After the Arctic flight, three passenger flights to South America were conducted in the late summer and autumn of 1931. These early flights were fairly limited, after leaving Friedrichshafen they proceeded over Southern France, Spain, the South Atlantic, and arrived in Recife, Brazil where an airship mast allowed them to service their vessel. This sole mast and its fairly remote location required DELAG to partner with the German Condor Airline to service other major cities across South America (Robinson 279). In spite of this, these initial flights would prove so successful, that all publicity flights were terminated so that all efforts could be taken to focus on the South American line.

Graf Zeppelin’s groundbreaking South American trips were the first of their kind, and were refined over the coming years into a regularly scheduled route. (Hapag Lloyd)

The following year would see nine passenger flights, the last three of which saw the airship fly down to Rio de Janeiro in order to draw interest to build a hangar there. Beyond this the flights were improved in the choice of view. When the airship departed or returned to Europe, it often did so through the French Rhone Valley and over the Bay of Biscay, or it proceeded south over Spain and then to the Cape Verde Islands off of Africa. Occasionally, there were also scheduled stopovers in Barcelona and Seville, where the excellent weather often permitted the airship to remain outdoors for sometime (Robinson 280). While the 1931 flights were more or less experimental, those of the following year were routine, all of which sold out, and beyond ticket sales the revenue from freight and mail was not inconsiderable (Ecekener 115).

As successful as these flights were, they were overshadowed by events in Germany. The Nazis were gaining greater prominence, with the regime exerting an ever more dominating force over the country, though Zeppelin and DELAG remained independent for the moment. In the backdrop of such developments, Eckener was able to see that the Rio hangar was built. The year would see another nine trips, the last being a triangle flight that would take the airship to the 1933 Chicago World’s Fair.

By the summer of 1933, the aviation authorities in Germany required all registered aircraft to display the Nazi swastika. The Graf had swastikas painted on the port side of its vertical stabilizers, the other emblazoned with the older Imperial style flag. Displeased with having to carry the symbol, Eckener flew the airship around Chicago on a clockwise course which hid the swastikas from crowds. He was, however, unable to prevent it being photographed by circling planes, with the subsequent images being printed in newspapers images world wide. This would not be the first time he attempted to act against the new regime. Prior to this, he forbade the Nazis from holding events at the new massive hangar at Freidrichshafen (Rose 357, 364). These marked the first in a number of protests Eckener had against Nazi propaganda minister Josef Goebbels, who wished to use the Zeppelins to carry the flag of the new regime. Beyond this, Goebbels often took to chartering the airship for political events and publicity flights, much to the annoyance and displeasure of Eckener and many airship crewmen who hated the politics of the new regime and saw these “circus flights” as a waste of time.

In spite of the ongoing feud, DELAG continued to improve its services to South America. Graf Zeppelin flew twelve round trips to South America in 1934, the third flying as far as Buenos Aires where Eckener unsuccessfully tried to convince the Argentinian government to build an airship hangar. Buenos Aires was to be a major hub for DELAG, as it was hoped that they would be able to make sales amongst the sizable German enclave there. However this was not to be, and instead they bolstered their partnership with the Condor Airline which could fly the airship’s passengers from Rio de Janeiro by seaplane.

Graf Zeppelin’s overflight of Buenos Aires wasn’t enough to convince the Argentinian government to help finance an airship hangar there. (Wikimedia)

The political environment became more contentious during this time, as Goebbels’ propaganda ministry and Goering’s Air ministry began to feud over the airships. Both offices devoted large sums to the production of LZ 129 and chartered increasing usage of Graf Zeppelin. Despite his long standing personal disinterest in the airship, Herman Goering recognized it as an important and internationally recognized symbol of German aviation. A symbol which he knew improved the standing of his new office, in contrast with Goebbels ideological zeal. In any case, both men knew they could force Eckener’s cooperation through the resources they devoted to his company, despite what trouble he would occasionally cause them.

The year 1935 would continue to see a business boom for the Brazil route, and saw 16 round trip flights across the Atlantic. There was also considerable growth in passenger travel which peaked in that year at 720 with an additional 14,061 kilograms of freight carried, including some 900,000 letters (Eckener 116). In short, DELAG had pioneered the international airline just as it had in 1919 when it achieved regular air service with Bodensee. However, just as it had been in 1919, DELAG would be dissolved again.

Political Troubles and the End

LZ-129 Hindenburg comes in to land at the airship hangar outside of Rio De Janeiro, here the two airships alternated on the South American route until the loss of Hindenburg at Lakehurst. (Wikimedia)

Just as DELAG was honing its international air service, it was dissolved. Air Minister Goering would reorganize most German airlines, and he would visit this on DELAG on March 25, 1935. The new Deutsche Zeppelin Reederei (DZR), or German Zeppelin Shipping Company, would take its place, this new entity being state owned. In doing so, Goering would have final say on airship use, largely putting an end to the quiet feud with Goebbels.

With this change came a transfer of command, Eckener was replaced with Lehmann, of Great War fame. Lehmann was an able commander and fiercely nationalistic, which made him a far more palatable choice over the decidedly liberal and world trotting Eckener. The former became chairman of the Board of Directors and still held some influence, but his control over the airline and the Zeppelin company, which he still presided over, slackened. Eckener continued to work for the airline in order to ensure safe operations, and to do his best to keep the Nazis from becoming too intertwined with the business. Initially, he was successful, as LZ 129 entered service to become the second airship on the South American route, after he had first flown it to the United States. Its name too, Hindenburg, was chosen for its lack of ties to the new regime.

This state of affairs was not to last as the political tides grew more volatile. As a result of Ecekener’s open and continued complaints about Goebbels’ use of the airships, the Reichsminister would issue an order to remove all mention of Eckener in any future news publications. This would backfire spectacularly when President FDR assumed and looked forward to Eckener being the captain of the Hindenburg on its first Atlantic voyage to the United States. Rather than admit a blunder on the world stage, the publication moratorium was lifted temporarily, with Goering subsequently intervening between the two and meeting with Hitler to have the moratorium lifted entirely (Rose 393, 395). In any case, and in spite of his own convictions, Eckener’s work would continue to benefit the Nazis and he would continue to stay, and work in Germany.

The final straw came a year later in 1937, when Hindenburg caught fire over Lakehurst in the most infamous airship disaster. While accidents were common in air travel at this point, never had one so spectacular been caught on film and so publicized. In spite of DELAG never having lost a passenger in its decades of operation, passenger airship travel would end there. As a result of a flashy landing stunt to bring the airship in quickly, Captain Lehman overstressed one of the rear structural rings and snapped a bracing wire. The wire tore a hydrogen cell, and a static discharge ignited the air mixture near an aft ventilation shaft (Rose 440, Eckener 173). Following the accident, what interest the state and public had in the airships quickly dissipated, and Graf Zeppelin, after nearly ten years in the air, was decommissioned and later dismantled. Eckener himself would largely go into retirement, though on paper he remained a key figure at Zeppelin and some of its subsidiaries.

Conclusion

The Graf Zeppelin coming in to land at an airport in Basel, Switzerland. (TagesWoche)

The airships built by Count Zeppelin and the airlines which operated them can be said to be among the most groundbreaking endeavors in the history of aviation. In terms of long range aviation, many of their efforts would outpace their competitors for upwards of a decade. In regards to air travel, nearly every major milestone was achieved first using their airships. DELAG would be the first to pioneer passenger air travel, establish regular, scheduled transportation flights, and build the first transcontinental airline. While the passenger airship was dealt a fatal blow with the destruction of the Hindenburg under the DZR, ironically, few endeavors can claim to have done so much with so few injuries as the DELAG airline.

Advanced Technical Descriptions

LZ 1-1900

LZ 1 prepares to depart. (Zeppelin The Story of a Great Achievement)

LZ 1 had a symmetrical, cylindrical hull formed from 16 transverse, wire braced, rings composed of 24 polygons that were connected by 24 longitudinal beams. The rings were spaced 7.98 m apart, save for those around the two control gondolas, which were 4 meters apart. The hull was made from unalloyed aluminum, and thus was very soft and contributed to the airship’s structural issues. The beams, which comprised the hull were practically openwork I-beams and offered little resistance to compression or bending loads, resulting in the center hull bending downwards during its test flights. The hull measured in at a length of 128 m with a diameter of 11.74 m. (robinson 23)

There were 17 cylindrical hydrogen cells made from rubberized cotton. This material was composed of thin laminated sheets of lightweight cotton and rubber. Each cell was fitted with a relief valve, with 5 being fitted with control valves which allowed the crew to adjust for lift. The airship was covered in cotton treated with pegamoid to reduce drag and friction within the hull. Pegamoid was also used as a basic waterproofing material, its use was continued on Zeppelin’s until more suitable doping materials were employed during WWI.

The airship lacked large control surfaces, there being only a small pair of rudders above and below the nose, and a rear set which were connected to the sides of the hull. Pitch was changed by means of a 100 kg lead weight that was moved along the rail between the gondolas. This proved to be a very cumbersome and unreliable system, with the weight jamming on at least one occasion.

The diminutive Daimler engine and its bevel gear arrangement. (Wikimedia)

LZ 1 was controlled from two cars along the underside of the airship. These were both made of aluminum and designed to float in case of emergency. These were connected via metal piping which served to act as a walkway. Each carried a Daimler 4 cylinder engine which produced 14.2 horsepower at 680 rpm, with a weight of 385 kilograms. These each drove a pair of propellers on the upper hull above the cars, which they were connected to via bevel gears and shafts. These turned at a maximum RPM of 1200, considerably faster than the engine, in order to follow one of the Count’s theories. He would later find large diameter propellers operated at lower RPMs to be more efficient. The propellers themselves were made of simple flat sheets of aluminum and had four blades with a diameter of 1.22 meters(Robinson 24, Eckener 191).

 

 

Golden Years Airliners 1911-1914

LZ 10 Schwaben-1911

Crews gather to maneuver Schwaben after it lands (Stampcity)

LZ 10 Schwaben was the first specially designed airliner and almost fully divorced from the LZ 3 derivative airships. It was shorter and carried less hydrogen than the initial, and very unsuccessful Deutschland, but was far more efficient. The framework was made of a strengthened aluminum alloy, and used the tried and tested triangular girders that Dürr developed for airship use. The hull was 140.2 long and 14 m in diameter, containing 17 rubberized cotton hydrogen cells. This would be the last Zeppelin airship to use them, as they constituted a fire hazard and were responsible for the loss of this airship.

The Maybach C-X was the major success of the firm, which would go on to produce a number of specially designed aircraft engines. (Smithsonian)

Schwaben was powered exclusively by three 6 cylinder inline Maybach C-X engines, these being developed specifically for airship use. Each engine provided up to 145 horsepower and weighed 652kg. These water cooled motors had a displacement of 20.5L, and had a bore and stroke of 160 mm x 170 mm. Overall, they measured 129.5 x 182.9 x 86.4cm (Smithsonian). The forward engine was coupled to a pair of two bladed hard aluminum propellers, with the rear two being coupled to a pair of four bladed propellers. The rear propellers were a pair of two bladed propellers affixed to one another on the same drive shaft. They could propel the airship to a trial speed of 76.6 km/h.

The airship was controlled from the forward car which contained one of the three engines. Controls were improved as all the control surfaces had been moved aft, with the rudders and elevators being installed in a box like configuration at the rear of the airship. Ballast bags were installed fore and aft.

As with all DELAG airships, it did not lack for amenities and comforts. The passengers were seated in a gallery amidships. This compartment was composed of an outer frame sheet aluminum with inner wood supports and decorative framing. The inner compartment was covered in wood paneling that consisted of high layer plywood covered in mahogany sheeting. Pillars and decorative elements were decorated with mother of pearl inlays and the floors were carpeted. Ahead of the gallery was a small space for the attendant and an ice box with an accompanying liquor cabinet. To the rear of the gallery was a lavatory with a latrine made from aluminum fittings to save weight. The entire compartment was affixed to the hull with reinforced aluminum girders and cables.

LZ 11 Viktoria Luise & LZ 13 Hansa- 1911&1912

Viktoria Luise drops a line to its ground crew (this day in aviation).

These two airships were built roughly to the same specifications though Hansa was the heavier of the two owing to some minor difference in construction. These were very similar to the Schwaben in their overall layout, though they differed markedly in that they used goldbeater skins in place of rubberized cotton for their hydrogen cells. This material was a finely woven cotton fabric laminated with chemically treated sheets of cow intestine. It proved to be both lighter and could not accumulate a dangerous static charge and was used on all subsequent airships (Chollet 6).

The two also featured a crude cruciform tail section, from which the elevators and rudders hung. These were smaller than those mounted on Schwaben, but were no less effective. These evidently reduced drag considerably, as despite being 7.90 meters longer than Schwaben, both airships made for a trial speed of approximately 80 kilometers an hour. This added length allowed for an expansion of the passenger compartment (Stahl 66).

LZ 17 Sachsen-1913

Sachsen amidst a crowd of onlookers (Zeppelin GMBH)

This airship was built much to the same standards as the previous two but it was built to a shorter length and wider diameter. When designing previous airships, or in enlarging existing models, the common technique was simply to add a lengthening section. It was initially believed that nearly all drag was created by the frontal cross section, with very little being induced by the surface area of the rest of the vessel. The aim with Sachsen was to increase the volume of its gas cells, and thus its cargo capacity, while also keeping drag to a minimum. It was quite successful, but it entered service only a year before DELAG was dissolved at the start of the Great War, and thus had the shortest passenger service of these early airliners.

LZ 120 Bodensee-1919

Swedish soldiers help secure the landed airship. (Picryl)

Bodensee was built with a number of new design features which had become commonplace during the war. Chief of these were its teardrop shape, which cut down on drag while retaining a large hydrogen capacity; and its cruciform tail section, which improved stability and maneuverability. Despite having roughly the same hydrogen capacity as the Sachsen, built years earlier, Bodensee boasted a much higher top speed and lifting capacity, all while being considerably shorter.

The hull of the Bodensee was constructed of 17 sided rings of various dimensions, the largest being 18.6 meters in diameter. The hull was made of a more modern duralumin which made it far more resilient, and likely contributed to the long service life of the airship. Along the underside of the hull was a catwalk which gave the crew access to the engines and command gondola. Above the catwalk were the ship’s 11 hydrogen cells. The entire airship, including the gondola, was skinned in a doped cotton fabric which gave excellent weatherproofing.

The gondola itself was divided into a forward command section and a rear passenger section. The command section featured modern controls which had been commonplace for some years, most notably an electric control panel for hydrogen release. Its passenger space could be divided into five compartments seating four, with one VIP cabin in the front who paid double fare. Six more seats could be, and often were, fitted if the partitions were removed and the space was consolidated. As with the previous airliners, the cabin was well furnished with a fine wood paneling over the structural elements and specially made aluminum and leather chairs for the passengers. The decor was fairly subdued compared to the more lavish furnishings of past DELAG airships. Aft of the passenger compartment was a buffet staffed with an attendant who prepared meals with an electric hotplate. The last gondola compartment contained the restroom. (Robinson 258 Rose 196). Flights typically lasted seven or eight hours on its typical Friedrichshafen-Berlin Route. Owing to the short nature of the flights, the airship was crewed by only a dozen or so men.

The Maybach Mb IVa was the engine that powered the R-Class and all succeeding models of German military airships during the Great War. Surplus motors were used aboard the Bodensee and Nordstern. (Smithsonian)

The airship was propelled by four Maybach Mb IVa engines which were high altitude motors and were mass produced during the Great War for the R-Class, and later “height climber” Zeppelins. Owing to the lack of superchargers, they instead used incredibly high compression ratios, which meant they could not be run at high throttle below 6000ft. Some examples approached 300hp at high altitudes, but in the case of the low altitude Bodensee, they could be expected to top out at 245 hp under normal conditions. These were water cooled 23.1L inline 6’s with a bore and stroke of 165 mm and 180 mm, and a weight of 417.8 kg (Smithsonian, Robinson 258). Two motors were mounted in their own individual cars on each side of the hull, with a rear, centerline car containing two motors, side by side, and were geared to the same propeller. These were geared to a wooden 5.2 meter propeller with a reverse gear that could be used slow and maneuver the airship as it came in to land. Each engine car had a skeletal aluminum frame that was fabric skinned. The engineers worked in the cars to adjust their output, with commands being telegraphed from the control room, and to maintain them throughout long flights. In most cases this amounted to supplying them with more oil. The engines could propel Bodensee up to 132km/h, making it the fastest airship thus built. They also made it considerably overpowered and the crew had to be wary of oversteering when the engines were running near their highest output. The ship was later lengthened to extend its range and help compensate for this issue.

LZ 127 Graf Zeppelin 1928

An internal schematic of Graf Zeppelin. (Zepplinweltfahrten)

Graf Zeppelin was the largest and most advanced airship to serve with DELAG, with most of its features being tested and tried aboard the ZR 3. Graf Zeppelin’s hull was built to the restrictions of its hangar in Friedrichshafen with the 236.6m long and 30.5m airship having the familiar teardrop shape of its predecessors. Its structure was conventional, though made use of improved duraluminium and had built up sections around the gondola and the struts supporting the engine cars. The hull included two catwalks, one along the bottom, to give access to the engines, crew quarters, and gondola; and a center catwalk which gave access to the gas cells and the exterior of the airship should repairs need to be made. There were 17 hydrogen cells with a volume of about 85,000 cubic meters set above the fuel gas cells, which contained some 26,000 cubic meters of blau gas. Depending on the configuration of the airship, the combined gas capacity of hydrogen and fuel was normally 105,000 cubic meters (Robinson , Eckener 207). The use of blau gas meant a lower lifting gas capacity, but it freed up several tons of weight by eliminating the use of gasoline, and meant the airship needed less water ballast to offset the burning of a denser fuel source. The lower ballast requirements also made the airship easier to fly over long distances, as it meant the crew needed to make only minor adjustments to the airship’s trim and ballast. A small amount of liquid fuel was carried to bring the airship out of its airport, as burning it lightened the ship and aided in climbing without sacrificing any ballast water. The entire airship was skinned in treated fabric, its waterproofing treatment now containing aluminum, which gave the airship its iconic metallic sheen.

Graf Zeppelin’s Gondola (Zeppelinweltfahrten)

The lower hull contained the amenities for the crew, including the bunks, which were spaced out along the lower corridor, their restrooms, and a small lounge space where they rested and took their meals. The gondola itself was divided among the forward control rooms, and rear passenger quarters. The forwardmost was the control room, followed by a navigation room, the radio room, and kitchen. Control of the airship was managed through similar, but improved means compared to the LZ 120. The elevator controls in particular were improved by the use of a boost motor to make the difficult and physically straining job of the elevator man easier. A fully automatic gyro for rudder control was also installed, but often went unused as it was felt its impulses were too heavy and clumsy, in comparison to hand control from an experienced helmsman. Landing was done without the use of either system but was aided by the use of bubble pointers geared to both controls which accurately displayed the inclination of the airship relative to the inputs of its controllers ( ONI Lt. Cmdr. Kenworthy 3). In practice, both systems were typically only used when controllers were changing course against the wind. Navigation aboard the ship was often done through dead reckoning and star sighting, though it was also capable of radio direction-finding as well. A powerful 3 million candlepower searchlight was mounted aft of the passenger section which enabled altitude checks and drift readings in the dead of night (ONI Fulton 3,4). These systems were powered by a pair of auxiliary power units which took their fuel from the Blaugas reserves.

Heinrich Kubis, worked at some of the most fashionable hotels in Europe before becoming the world’s first flight attendant on the Schwaben. Pictured here setting a table in the Graf Zeppelin during its later years. (Wikimedia)

The kitchen was well stocked and the cook and his assistant prepared meals through the use of electrical stoves. Food was served on the airline’s own signature dishes and cutlery. There were ten two-passenger cabins, a pair of washrooms, and a lounge area that could be rearranged for dining or leisure. The original decor evoked the luxury of Pullman railcars, though the traditional, and fairly dated, wallpaper was later replaced with a coat of white paint to give the airship a more nautical feel. Passengers were less than thrilled over the fairly confined nature of their quarters and the lounge, though the annoyance of not being able to smoke was the chief complaint. After the first several voyages, the airship began to stock a larger liquor cabinet, impromptu tours of the airship were given, and a gramophone, which often played Eckener’s own extensive collection of Beethoven and Mozart, was brought aboard. Smoking however, was never allowed and the lack of insulation required passengers wear coats in cold weather.

The heavy duty, dual fuel Maybach VL-2 (Smithsonian)

Graf Zeppelin was propelled by five Maybach VL-2 motors, these being multifuel 33.3L V-12s which could run off gasoline or Blau Gas. The VL-2 was a specialized engine designed to run for long periods and to be easy to repair in flight by airship engineers. Each engine produced up to 570 hp at 1,600 RPM and weighed 1,148 kg. They had a bore and stroke of 140 mm and 180 mm. These were water cooled engines, with their radiators being at the front of the engine car where a pair of shutters controlled air flow. They were all geared to propellers via planetary 2:1 reduction gears, and like Bodensee, were reversible. They were initially all geared to two bladed wooden propellers, though all but the lower gondola would be fitted with larger four bladed 3.4 meter propellers. The lower car retained the shorter propeller as it would have otherwise run into ground clearance issues. The engines also had the benefit of a silica absorber which reduced moisture exposure and allowed them to reclaim fresh water, which proved very useful as the airship frequently crossed oceans (LT. Cmdr. TGW 3). These engines overall proved very reliable for their day, though on occasion they would encounter minor breakdowns which required a brief stoppage of all engines to fix it. They could propel the airship as fast as 128km/h, though the airship typically traveled at 112km/h which was ideal for fuel economy.

A sketch by artist Theo Matejko of one of Graf Zeppelin’s crew berths, these were spaced out along the lower catwalk. The crew lounge was above and behind the gondola. (Wikimedia)

For any considerably long voyage, a crew numbering at least thirty was required, and for regular passenger service, some 40 crewmen were aboard. On a flight from Germany to Pernambuco, Brazil on October 9, 1932, Graf Zeppelin was commanded and flown by the following: 1 commanding officer, 3 watch officers, 3 junior officers, 1 chief engineer, 1 assistant engineer officer, 1 leading engine man, 15 engine men, 2 electricians, 3 riggers, 3 radio men, 3 rudder men, 3 elevator men, and 3 stewards, these being a flight attendant and the two cooks. The longest watches belonged to the watch officers, the radiomen and riggers, and the leading engineering officers who all had a watch of four hours. Every crewman had their own bunk by the time of the regular South America flights (ONI Lt. Cmdr. T.G.W 1,2)

Graf Zeppelin’s control room, prior to the installation of instruments. (Zeppelin GMBH)

Specification:

Illustrations:

LZ-1 was the first airship built by Zeppelin and the only one that wasn’t designed by Durr. It flew quite well during its test flights but failed to attract buyers, it did however bring Eckener aboard the airship project.
LZ 13 Hansa was named for the medieval Hanseatic league of Baltic merchants and entered service with DELAG in 1912. The airship would later be based in Potsdam.
Bodensee was the first airliner to run on a strictly maintained schedule, as apart from the pre-war service, its aim was purely transportation and not sight seeing. Its time serving with DELAG was short, though it spent many years in Italian service under the name Esperia.

 

Where Bodensee set the standard for reliable service, the Graf Zeppelin set every major milestone in international air travel. Often flown under the captaincy of Dr. Eckener himself, the airship flew to many far off destinations from Tokyo to Rio De Janeiro.

 

Gallery

Personalities

Count Ferdinand Von Zeppelin was the foremost innovator of airship design for nearly 15 years. Stubborn, but generous, the Count remained unperturbed by setbacks that could have otherwise ended everything, and persevered to lead the world in airship piloting and development. He remained in nominal control of the company until around the start of the Great War, when his old-fashioned ways of managing the business caused friction within the new modern corporate structure of the company, with the Count subsequently entering semi-retirement. Pictured here wearing the Imperial Yacht club cap he took to wearing during flights. (Zeppelin GMBH)
Dr. Ludwig Dürr was the engineering genius behind nearly every airship the company built. Involved in redesigning the LZ 1, Dürr headed nearly every design team up to the Hindenburg and the second Graf Zeppelin. While many initially found the humorless engineer odd to work alongside, Dürr was accommodating to the newcomers to the company, who brought with them new techniques and theories in aeronautics. A homebody and an eccentric, Dürr rarely left Southern Germany, but his work circled the globe. (Zeppelin GMBH)
Entering the Zeppelin enterprise as a publicist, Dr. Hugo Eckener would become a pilot during DELAG’s first years, and would lead the firm following the end of the Great War. Politically savvy and ambitious, he led the firm through its darkest days and made DELAG a world renowned name once more. While Eckener never built his fleet of ocean striding airships, he would continuously break records and set nearly every major milestone when it came to modern passenger air travel. (Zeppelin GMBH)

Early Airships

Zeppelin and the Crown Prince, a patron of the Count. (Wikimedia)
Schwaben comes into land, making so little noise that the sheep used to keep the grass short are undisturbed. (SFO Museum)

 

A DELAG advertisement. (Smithsonian)
Viktoria Luise drawing a crowd. (Wikimedia)
Zeppelin’s airships had cemented themselves as a cultural fixture in Germany, here Schwaben is depicted in a game where players race to visit all of Europe’s largest cities. (Stadtmuseum Berlin)

 

Hansa’s passenger compartment without passengers or tables. (Wikimedia)
Prior to the Great War, DELAGs airships became a regular sight over many German cities.(Wikimedia)
Schwaben inside its hangar. SFO museum
Bodensee is managed by ground teams. (Pinterest)
Bodensee cruises over an airfield with a Zeppelin-Staaken bomber, built by a Zeppelin company subsidiary, and later used for advertising the Fletcher’s World magazine. (John Parker)
Bodensee’s hangar. (Wikimedia)
Bodensee comes in to land during its Swedish trip. (Wikimedia)

Graf Zeppelin

A ventral view of Graf Zeppelin. (Wikimedia)
Graf Zeppelin landed at the airship station at Mines Field, California. (SDASM)
The crew had access to much of the exterior of the airship via the ventilation shafts. On several occasions they enacted repairs on the protective fabric after harsh storms. (Life Magazine)
Graf Zeppelin is joined by a Junkers F.13 as it cruises over Berlin. (Bundesarchiv)

 

Despite its increased size, Graf Zeppelin could easily handle ground landings, just as all previous Zeppelin airliners made. (The Atlantic)

 

Graf Zeppelin over Berlin’s Tempelhof field. (Bundesarchiv)
While on the ground, LZ 127 was maneuvered about by ground teams. (Bundesarchiv)
The Chef and his assistant at work in Graf Zeppelin’s kitchen. (Bundesarchiv)

 

The dining service during one of the airship’s earlier voyages, the Pullman carriage inspired decor was later replaced with a nautical theme. (Atlas obscura)
The rudder control position aboard Graf Zeppelin. (Getty)
LZ 127 over the Sumida river. (Old tokyo)
Graf Zeppelin flies over Seville, Spain. It stopped several times at the city on its South American route. (SevillaInsolita)
One of Graf Zeppelin’s engine cars. This gives a good view of the canvas frame of the unit. (Zeppelin GMbH)
Graf Zeppelin cruises past Rio de Janeiro on one of its earlier South American excursions. (Wikimedia)
A view of the hydrogen cell free hull of Graf Zeppelin. A ballast bag hangs at the right. (Zeppelin GMbH)

Credits

  • Written by Henry H.
  • Edited by Ed Jackson & Henry H.
  • Illustrations by Ed Jackson

Sources

Primary:

Eckener, Hugo. My Zeppelins. Putnam & Co. Ltd, 1958.

Von Zeppelin, Ferdinand. Die Luftschiffahrt Und Die Modernen Luftfahrzeuge. Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 1909.

Capt. Chollet, L. Balloon Fabrics made of Goldbeater’s Skin. NACA, 1922.

Curtis, Thomas E. The Zeppelin Airship. Smithsonian Report for 1900. 1901.

Dr. Dürr, Ludwig. The American Airship ZR-3. Zeitschrift des Vereines Deutscher Ingenieure. May 31, 1924, Vol. 68, No. 22. 1924.

Fulton, G., J. L. Kenworthy, James L. Fisher, and Edwin F. Cochrane. “LZ 127 Graf Zeppelin: Flight Reports by US Navy Officers,” October 1933, November 1934.

Mills, George H, Meister Von F.W. LZ 127 Graf Zeppelin correspondence relating to George H. Mill’s flights. 1934.

Ebner, Hans. The Present Status of Airship Construction, Especially of Airship Framing Construction. Zeitschrift fur Flugtechnik und Motorluftschifftfahrt Vol. 24, Nos. 11 and 12, June 6 and June 28, 1933 Verlag von R. Oldenbourg, Munchen und Berlin. 1933.

Stahl, Friedrich. Rigid Airships. NACA Technical Memorandum, 1920-1921.

Munk, Max M. The Drag of Zeppelin Airships. NACA. 1923.

Maybach VL-2, V-12 Engine. National Air and Space Museum. A19350052000.

Maybach AZ, In-line 6 Engine. National Air and Space Museum. A19791399000.

Maybach MB IVa, In-line 6 Engine. National Air and Space Museum. A19710882000.

Secondary:

Rose, Alexander. Empires of the Sky. Random House. 2020. (Ebook).

Maiersperger, Walter P. Design Aspects of Zeppelin Operations from Case Histories. NACA. 1975.

Robinson, Douglas H. Giants in the Sky History of the Rigid Airship. Billing and Sons Ltd., London. 1973.

Vissering, Henry. Zeppelin The Story of a Great Achievement. Chicago. 1922.

USN B-Class Blimp

sweden flag USA (1917)
Patrol & Training Blimp – 20 Built

A B-Class Blimp just after takeoff. This type would be the first in a long line of USN patrol blimps. [US National Archives]
The B-Class Blimp was a type of non-rigid airship used for training and patrol duty by the United States Navy during, and after the First World War. The type would be the first successful patrol blimp series the Navy would field and would be used until the early 1920s. Its success would prove the effectiveness of coastal patrol airships in the US, and would mark the beginning of a long line of airships operated by the Navy.

A Rocky Start

Two B-Class blimps during a training exercise. Two spherical observation balloons can also be seen. [US National Archives]
The First World War was one that saw considerable technological breakthroughs, with many different ideas coming to fruition for the first time or previously small endeavors in weapons now being used in large numbers. Nowhere was this more clear than with aircraft design. Aside from conventional airplanes, lighter-than-air aircraft also saw their first widespread combat use, ranging from the large Zeppelin raids on London, to the observation balloons at the front. Britain would develop their own unique series of non-rigid dirigibles for the sole purpose of patrolling their coastlines and surrounding waters to search for enemy ships and submarines. At first, the Sea Scout class of airship would fill this role, but later the much larger North Sea and Coastal-classes of airship would also be built. These airships would prove very effective in their patrol duties, with some capable of patrolling for hours on end without stopping. The success of these airships would inspire the United States Navy to begin work on their own design in 1915.

An example of a British coastal patrol airship is the Sea-Scout class, which were heavily used during the First World War to patrol the coastline. This type in particular would serve as a basis for the B-class Blimp [Imperial War Musuem]
The first of the Navy’s patrol airships would be the DN-1, later considered the A-Class but never officially known as this. The DN-1 was built by the Connecticut Aircraft Company in 1915 using intelligence from German and Austrian non-rigid airship designs of the time. The DN-1 would prove to be a massive failure, having a poor top speed, inadequate lift, and engine troubles which led the type to not be mass produced. Seeking to avoid a repeat of the DN-1, the Navy would begin looking for a more successful design. Their search would lead to the creation of the improved B-Class

The B-Class Blimp

Rear view of the B-1, the first of the B-Class. [US National Archives]
The designers at the Bureau of Construction and Repair (Bu. of C&R) would instead look towards the British for inspiration for their improved design over the German/Austrian based DN-1. The result would be the B-Class. Its overall design took heavy inspiration from the British Sea Scout class of airship. The design would be drafted by the Bu. of C&R. There were several expected requirements to the B-class. The airship had to have a top speed of at least 45mph, a 35mph cruising speed with an endurance of 12 hours, communication range of 150 miles, a crew of three, and it had to be able to land on water for emergencies or towing. The design was approved on January 26th by the General Board and a day later by the Navy. An initial order for two B-class blimps was arranged, but this would change on February 4th when a total of 16 were now ordered. This amount was too much for a single company to construct, so instead 5 companies were approached; Goodyear, Goodrich, the Connecticut Aircraft Company, Curtiss and U.S. Rubber. All of these companies, despite being rivals, would work closely together on the construction of the B-class blimps. Three companies would construct the main balloon section themselves, Goodyear, Goodrich and Connecticut. Goodyear was tasked with building B-1 through B-9, Goodrich would build B-10 through B-14 and Connecticut would build B-15 and B-16. Curtiss would focus on building the gondolas of the B-class, which were modified JN-4 Jenny fuselages, as well as building the OXX engines and fins for the craft. U.S. Rubber would supply Connecticut with fabric for the skin. At the start, Curtiss was meant to build three blimps but these would be instead given to Goodrich, as Curtiss had other aircraft projects to focus on. Building military airships was a new endeavor for most of these companies, aside from Connecticut who produced the previously mentioned DN-1. Goodyear had the most experience in terms of production of lighter-than-air aircraft, as they had already produced a number of free and kite balloons for the Navy, and were found to be the most prepared for production of this scale. Thus the first few B-Class were assigned to them.

Design

Underside view of a B-Class and its gondola. [US National Archives]
Closeup view of the modified Curtiss JN-4 Jenny fuselages used as the gondola for the B-class. [US National Archives]
The B-Class was a blimp designed for patrolling the offshore waters of the American coastline during World War One. The B-Class had a large, teardrop shaped body that was filled with hydrogen. It would be 160 ft (48.8 m) long. The overall volume of the B-classes differed between the companies that built it. At the rear of the body were several fins, two horizontal, one ventral and one dorsal. Each of these, except the dorsal fin, would have control surfaces to move the airship in the desired direction. Hung underneath the body was the gondola. The gondola was a modified Curtiss JN-4 Jenny fuselage with its wings and tail surfaces removed. An additional third seat was added compared to the standard two seats of the JN-4. In the nose of the gondola was a single Curtiss 100 hp OXX-2 engine powering a two-blade wooden propeller. On the two Connecticut B-classes, 100 hp Hall-Scott engines would be used instead. Beneath the gondola, the B-Class originally retained the landing gear from the JN-4, but these were swapped out later for two flotation bags. On the last B-Class built, B-20, a completely new gondola was designed and the craft was much larger than the standard design.

 

For armament, the B-class would have a Lewis machine gun. For anti-submarine duties, it could carry depth charges or bombs. Additional equipment for the crew included a radio transmitter and receiver, flashlights, a flare pistol with green and red flares, life preservers, rations, drinkable water, maps, a camera, carrier pigeons and signal books.

The B-Class in the War

A B-Class blimp above the Goodyear hangar at Akron. Two Upson kite balloons can be seen in the hangar. [US National Archives]
The first B-Class, B-1, would be completed by Goodyear sometime in April/May of 1917. At the time of its creation, Goodyear had been working on building a facility in Akron to house and operate airships, but it was still under construction when B-1 was completed. Thus, Goodyear had to transport the B-1 to the Goodrich facility near Chicago to inflate the craft. The craft was finally inflated and first flown on May 24th, 1917, with Ralph H. Upson at the controls. Upson was an airship engineer and pilot at Goodyear, and a pioneer in the lighter-than-air field, winning an airship race in 1913 and designing his own kite balloons at Goodyear only a few years earlier. He was thoroughly impressed with the first test flights. Upson would take the B-1 up again 5 days after the first flight and would try to fly from Chicago all the way to Akron. His flight started at midnight. Due to an oil leak, he would have to set the craft down at noon, just 10 miles outside of Akron. Despite not making it to his intended destination, Upson had achieved a record for lighter-than-air aircraft travel distance in America. The Navy had doubts surrounding the B-Class after the failure of the DN-1, but with the type already achieving world records on only its second flight, these doubts were quickly amended. The type was already proving its effectiveness even before entering active service. Production of the rest of the 15 B-classes soon commenced and the B-1 was shipped to Pensacola on August 7th, 1917.

B-Class at Akron, Ohio. [US National Archives]
As production continued, the various B-Classes would be sent across America to different air stations for duties. These included Naval Air Stations; Pensacola, Cape May, Montauk, Key West, Rockaway, San Diego, and Coco Solo in Panama. B-classes would also be stationed at Hampton for mostly testing purposes. Several improvements of the B-class would occur during its service, improving its top speed from 40mph to 48mph. The B-Class was responsible for patrol and rescue operations off the coastlines of America, and hunting for the dreaded U-Boat. It was found that blimps were much better for patrol duties than airplanes thanks to their long range, extended endurance time, and the ability to hover in midair assisted in spotting enemy warships. The B-Class would perform this duty until the end of the war. If a B-Class encountered a U-Boat, it could deploy depth charges or bombs, or radio in for aerial support from the NAS the aircraft was stationed at. During its service life, at least two B-classes would spot a U-boat and attempt to destroy it, but none would be sunk by the B-Class. The service of the B-class was impressive. It is estimated that the B-classes together patrolled for over 13,600 hours across 400,000 miles. Aside from patrol duties, another impact the B-Class had on the military was its extensive use as a training craft. Several B-classes would be stationed at the aforementioned Goodyear Akron facility solely for the purpose of training. Over 170 aviators would train and be certified on the B-Class, with many headed overseas to operate European dirigibles in service with France and Britain. No B-class blimps were ever sent to Europe.

A B-Class preparing for takeoff. [US National Archives]
The B-class was not without its accidents. Throughout their service life, many B-class blimps would suffer damage or be completely destroyed while on duty. B-4, B-5, B-6, B-7, B-9, B-12, B-14 and B-16 were all destroyed in accidents before the end of the First World War.

B-Class at Akron Ohio. [US National Archives]
Despite its effectiveness, the B-class was found to be lacking as a patrol craft, and the Navy would order a successor design in September of 1918 to amend the shortcomings of the B-class. This was the C-Class (no relation to the aforementioned British Coastal Class which was also known as the C-Class coastal airship) and it took many aspects of the B-Class and improved upon them. The shape of the balloon itself was overall the same, but the C-Class had a much larger gondola that sported two engines instead of one, granting improved speed and maneuverability. The C-Class however wouldn’t be ready before the end of the war, but was instead operated postwar.

The B-Class Postwar

View of a B-class during operations patrolling the Atlantic. This photo was taken from a USN submarine. [US National Archives]
The First World War would end on November 11th, 1918, with the B-Class having served well in its duties. Despite the C-Class approaching production, the B-Classes still in service would continue to operate, however a few were stricken off to reduce the fleet size. Three B-Class blimps would be rebuilt reusing the envelopes from previously damaged blimps. These would be B-17, B-18 and B-19. B-17 is known to have reused the envelope from B-1, which was damaged on June 17th, 1920. B-18 likely used the envelope from B-13. Details on B-19 are lacking. It is known that these three blimps were constructed sometime in 1920. The final B-class built would be the B-20. Details are also sparse on this craft but it is known to have had a completely unique gondola design and was much larger than the standard B-Class. In the bureau number list, B-20 is listed as being before the aforementioned rebuilt gondolas. Interestingly, these B-classes were all built after not only the introduction of the C-Class, but even after its successor, the D-Class. All postwar built B-classes were constructed by Goodyear. The remaining B-classes continued to serve into the early 1920s, with many of them being scrapped due to accidents or deterioration with age. By 1924, three B-classes remained, B-3, B-8 and B-15. B-8 was heavily deteriorated but B-3 and B-15 were still in operational condition. By this point however, the B-class was heavily outdated, and with its services no longer required, the last 3 were surveyed and scrapped in 1924. The B-class actually wound up being in service longer than its successor, as the few remaining C-Classes had been scrapped in 1922.

Conclusion

A B-Class above the Naval Air Station at Key West, Florida. [US National Archives]
The B-Class was an important achievement to the United States Navy, proving the effectiveness of patrol airships and paving the way for a long line of succeeding designs. The B-Class would train aviators that would go on to protect allied countries in foreign built dirigibles, and would protect the American coasts from U-Boats. B-Class blimps would serve the Navy well past its expiration date, even surpassing its own successor. The Navy’s LTA airship fleet began with the humble B-Class, and would continue for almost five decades later.

One of the early B-Classes built by Goodrich. Notice the double ventral fins. [US National Archives]

Service List

  • B-1: The first in the B-Class series, B-1 would survive the war. On June 17th, 1920, B-1 would be damaged at Pensacola and would be stricken off. The gas bag was later reused on B-17.
  • B-2: B-2 would survive the war and would be stationed at Key West. On February 28th, 1919, B-2 would completely wreck.
  • B-3: B-3 would survive the war and continue to serve until it was surveyed in 1924. The ship was damaged several times but was fully repaired each time.
  • B-4: Stationed at Hampton NAS for testing. On August 8th, 1918 the craft was damaged and stricken. The blimp was salvaged for spare parts.
  • B-5: Stationed at Akron. While on maneuvers, it would be completely destroyed on November 21st, 1917.
  • B-6: Service details are lacking, stricken from the Navy on September 7th, 1918.
  • B-7: Stricken June 8th, 1918.
  • B-8: Survived the war and served until March 19th, 1924, where it was surveyed due to deterioration.
  • B-9: Stationed at Key West. On April 21st, 1919 would completely wreck due to engine failure.
  • B-10: Stationed at Cape May. During maneuvers on December 7th, 1918, it would be heavily damaged. The craft was sent back to Goodrich but the repairs were considered too expensive and B-10 was scrapped. The envelope was torn up and distributed to other air stations to serve as repair materials on other blimps.
  • B-11: Shipped to Pensacola, service ended on August 15th, 1919. Service unknown.
  • B-12: B-12 wrecked while on patrol on July 26th, 1918.
  • B-13: Damaged numerous times during service at Montauk Naval Air Station. Envelope appears to have been salvaged and later reused but on what aircraft is unknown, possibly B-18. It was recommended to be stricken off at two different stations in 1919, at Montauk and Rockaway.
  • B-14: Wrecked July 20th, 1918 at Montauk(?).
  • B-15: Served at Pensacola through the war and after. Was finally surveyed on April 22nd, 1924.
  • B-16: Official report is spotty but on June 17th, 1918, the craft was destroyed.
  • B-17: Rebuilt gondola, reused the envelope from B-1, service unknown.
  • B-18: Rebuilt gondola, envelope possibly from B-13. Service unknown.
  • B-19: Rebuilt gondola, service unknown.
  • B-20: Last B-class. Built in 1920. Completely new gondola design. Service unknown.

Variants

  • Goodyear/Goodrich B-Class (1 through 14) – B-classes built by Goodyear/Goodrich would use Curtiss OXX-2 engines. The first few of these had double fins but these were later changed to a single fin.
  • Connecticut B-Class (15 & 16) – The two B-Classes built by Connecticut would use Hall-Scott engines. These two appear to have the double fins as well. Unknown if any of these were later changed.
  • B-20 – The last B-class produced. It would have a unique gondola design.

Operators

  • United States of America – The 20 B-classes built would be operated by the United States Navy for patrol and training purposes until 1924.

B-Class (Goodyear) Specifications

Length 160 ft / 48.8 m
Diameter 31.5 ft / 9.6 m
Volume

(Varies between companies)

77,000 ft³ / 2180.4 m³
Engine 1x 100 hp ( 73kW ) Curtiss OXX-2 8-cylinder engine
Gas Type Hydrogen
Maximum Speed 48 mph / 77.2 km/h
Cruising Speed 35 mph / 56.3 km/h
Maximum Service Ceiling 7000 ft / 2133 m
Crew 3 (Pilot, Copilot and Engineer)
Armament
  • 1x Lewis Gun
  • 2x Depth Charges
  • Unknown amount/type of Bombs
Equipment

(Patrol Duty)

  • Radio Transmitter & Receiver
  • Flashlights
  • Flare Gun
  • Life Preservers
  • Food rations and water
  • Maps
  • Camera
  • Carrier Pigeon
  • Aircraft signal books

Gallery

Artist Concept of B-Class – by Ed Jackson

Credits

  • Written by Medicman
  • Edited by Ed J. & Henry H.
  • Illustration by Ed Jackson

Sources

Upson Balloon

sweden flag USA (1915)
Observation & Training Balloon – 10+ Built


The Kite Balloon operated by the Navy at Pensacola. This particular balloon is based off the first patent. [Naval History and Heritage Command]
The Upson Kite Balloons, also known as Goodyear Kite Balloons or simply Upson Balloons, were a series of three observation balloon designs by Ralph Hazlett Upson to improve upon the design of the German Parseval-Sigsfeld Drachenballon. Two of the designs would be built by the Goodyear Corporation and sent to various balloon training schools and even operate off of ships, but the type was found to not offer much improvement over the Drachenballon, and the much more advanced Caquot balloon which would be introduced only a year after the Upson balloons were built, making the type null. A 3rd design would be patented but wouldn’t be built.

Ralph H. Upson and the Parseval-Sigsfeld Drachenballon

R.H Upson outside of the Goodyear Hangar in Akron, 1917 [US National Archives]
Ralph H. Upson was a pioneer in balloon and airship development in America in the early 1900s. In 1913, using his own airship design, he would win the International Balloon Race. Upson was an employee of the aeronautics division of the Goodyear Rubber and Tire Corporation where he was a pilot and engineer on the various lighter-than-air projects the company had been working on. Upson would mainly work at the Goodyear plant in Akron, Ohio. In 1914, the company began building observation kite balloons for the US Army to use in their balloon divisions. The main type of kite balloon in use was the German designed Parseval-Sigsfeld Drachenballon. The Drachenballon was designed over a decade before in 1898 and was a replacement for the spherical observation balloons of the previous century, as the latter was found to be almost unusable when in windy conditions. The Parseval-Sigsfeld design was built in such a way it would face towards the wind thanks to a large, air-inflated steering bag at the rear of the balloon. Thus it was named Drachenballon, or “kite balloon”. America would build and operate several Drachenballons before their entrance into the First World War.

An example of a German-operated Parseval-Sigsfeld Drachenballon. [Waffen Arsenal 149]
Upson would begin designing an improvement over the Drachenballon in 1915. Using the knowledge he learned from working on airships, he’d incorporate a number of features that would hopefully improve the overall stability of the German balloon. Two designs would be created at first in late 1915, with the patents on these designs being filed on June 20th, 1916.

Kite Balloon Design 1: Back to Basics

Kite Balloon Design 1 in the patent. The Navy-operated balloon in Pensacola is of this type. [Google Patents]
An Upson balloon being inflated at Pensacola. [State Archives of Florida]
The first of these designs was essentially a heavily modified Drachenballon. Its overall appearance and construction was the same. The balloon consisted of a large cylindrical gas bag. In the nose was a valve that regulates the pressure and gas and can be opened for release automatically or manually. On the underside was a neck to which the hydrogen gas was filled from. The Upson’s balloon’s neck was much longer than the neck on the Drachenballon. On the sides of the balloon were two stabilizing fins. On the Drachenballon, these fins are rectangular in shape. On Upson’s design, these would be triangular in shape and would sag down in flight. According to Upson, the rectangular fins of the Drachenballon only offered stabilization horizontally, while his fins would also prevent yaw and pitch movement. Internally at the rear was a large air bag to keep the balloon’s shape stable if the balloon isn’t fully inflated and keep the balloon at a 30-40 degree angle while in the air. The main difference between Design 1 and the Drachen involved the aft section of the balloon. On the standard Drachen is a large air-inflated steering bag that would keep the aircraft stable. On Upson’s design, the balloon would instead slightly taper at the rear. The steering bag would be removed altogether, instead replaced with a large keel-shaped bag. Upson’s thinking behind this change was that the steering bag wasn’t aerodynamic and instead opted for the more sleek keel bag over it, improving airflow. The keel bag and the ballonet were both connected via an intake at the tip of the keel. In addition, the tail of the balloon was connected to the keel, to which several tail cups were placed not only for stabilizing but to keep the keel straight. The tail cups were placed much closer to the balloon than on the Drachenballon. The rubber balloon girdle also differed from the Drachenballon slightly,as it wouldn’t be uniform all around the balloon, instead dipping slightly down near the front. The balloon would be made of rubberized and non rubberized fabric and filled with Hydrogen.

An Upson Kite Balloon in flight [US National Archives]
One of the Upson balloons preparing for flight at the Goodyear Plant in Akron. The other is visible in background hangar. The USAAC roundel is barely visible on the underside. [US National Archives]
BC-3 moored to the USS Huntington. [Wikipedia]
The Upson balloon BC-3 operating off of the USS Huntington. [navsource.org]
The Navy Design 1 balloon operating from the USS Oklahoma [NavalHistory.org]
Several Design 1 balloons are known to be built. The first would be built at the Goodyear plant in Akron in late 1915. While testing was going on in November, it was observed by officials from the Navy who were looking to increase the USN’s LTA (Lighter Than Air) fleet. The Design 1 balloon was accepted into service for the Navy on December 22th and shipped to the Pensacola Naval Air Station in Florida. The balloon would finally arrive on April 5th, 1916, along with a handful of Goodyear employees who helped with training. Only two days after arriving, the balloon would be damaged from heavy winds and would break from its mooring. The balloon would be repaired shortly after. Once repaired, the balloon was stationed aboard the USS Nevada and USS Oklahoma for testing. The balloon was found to offer increased visibility, but there were a number of reasons why using it from a battleship was a bad idea. The balloon was a very easy target, explosive due to its hydrogen gas (which often leaked), and gave away the position of the battleship. Inflating the balloon was also slower than what was expected. In some cases the balloon itself affected the maneuverability of the ship. It was noted that many of these issues could be fixed in the future, but no changes to this balloon are known to have occurred. Despite not performing well aboard a ship, the Navy continued to use the Design 1 balloon at the Pensacola Air Station for testing and training. Two more balloons were ordered, with the designations of CB-2 and CB-3 for the Navy. Both of these balloons are known to have been tested on the USS Huntington for evaluation. Even further on, the balloon CB-4 was ordered. It is unknown what type of balloon this was, whether Design 1 or 2.

Photo of a Design 1 balloon at Fort Omaha, Nebraska [Museum of the United States Air Force]
Aside from the Navy, the United States Army Air Service would also use two Design 1 balloons. One is known to be used for testing purposes. This balloon in particular has an extra set of stabilizing fins located a few feet in front of the regular stabilizing fins. Aside from testing, its service history is unknown. All that is known about it is comes from a US Army report evaluating it and a few photos to go along with said report. The report was very appraising of the type over the standard Drachenballon. The second known USAAS Design 1 balloon had an interesting history. From 1910 to 1919, the United States was in an armed conflict with Mexico on its border, known as the Mexican Border War. During this, many Army units would be stationed along the border. An Ohio National Guard Artillery unit was deployed along the border and stationed at El Paso, Texas in 1916. Accompanying the division was a Design 1 kite balloon gifted to the division by Goodyear. Along with the balloon, Ralph H. Upson himself would be assigned to assist in operations and training personnel for the balloon. The balloon would be used to observe Mexican forces moving near the border. Aside from its service in the War, the fate of this balloon is unknown. It was, however, the first observation balloon operated by the National Guard and is known to have been built shortly after the first Design 1 balloon.

Kite Balloon Design 2: All New

Design 2. This particular type would see several produced. [Google Patents]
The second design was also included on the June 20th patent and would greatly differ from the standard Drachenballon. In fact the only two similarities between the two designs would be their overall layout, other than this, the two designs are greatly different. The overall shape wasn’t cylindrical, but instead more round. Carrying over from Design 1 are Upson’s unique side fins, keel bag, and extended neck. The evacuation valve in the nose was moved upward and is near the top of the nose instead of directly frontally. Instead of having a balloon girdle, the ropes connecting the mooring line and basket were instead connected to individual rubber connection points around the main body of the aircraft. The pattern of the connection points is the same shape as the girdle on Design 1, with it arching down towards the front. The aircraft would also be stabilized by an internal ballonet. Specifications for this balloon do exist. It was to have an internal volume of 25,000 ft³ (707.9 m³). The maximum service ceiling would be 6000ft (1828.8 m). On the underside of two of the balloons, a United States Army Air Corps roundel is printed.

Goodyear would build at least four of this balloon type for training and testing. Two of these would be sent to the Fort Omaha balloon school in late 1916. Here they would be used in the training of the balloon corps alongside Drachenballons and spherical balloons. Two more of this type were photographed at the Goodyear Akron plant during a maneuver with other lighter-than-air aircraft. There is a chance these two aircraft are the same as the ones in Omaha but their overall appearance differs slightly. On one of the balloons is a box-like structure located at the side of the balloon. These are not present in the patent or on the other balloons and their purpose is unknown. It is possible these were some form of additional stabilizers but it is not confirmed. This type appears to be exclusively used by the USAAS.

The same excercise as before at Akron with all balloons now airborne. What appears to be a B-Class Blimp is in the background as well. [US National Archives]
On September 23rd, 1916, two pilots; Carl K. Wollam and Charlie Roth, were interested in one of the Goodyear Design 2 balloons then stationed at Dayton, Ohio. Both men, who were aircraft pilots, wanted to see how well the Upson balloon would do in untethered flight. It should be noted neither man had piloted a balloon before. The two would go up in the balloon, and then cut the cable. The balloon would go to an altitude between 5000 and 6000 ft (1524 and 1828.8 m) for a distance of over 120 miles (321.9 kilometers). The flight would last over 3 hours. The two wanted to head to Akron to land but their attempt failed and they were thrown off course for 70 miles (112.6 kilometers), finally landing in a farm near Circleville, Ohio. This would be the first free flight of a kite balloon in the US. Despite not being designed for this flight, the pilots said the balloon was hard to control, but overall performed well for the task.

Kite Balloon Design 3: Double Trouble

Side view of Design 3. This design was essentially two Design 2 kite balloon bodies sewn together. [Google Patents]
Frontal view of Design 3. [Google Patents]
The last of the Upson balloon designs was not included in the first patent document, instead being patented a few months later on November 9th, 1916. This 3rd balloon design differed greatly from most balloon designs of that era. Design 3 essentially was two Design 2 balloons sewn together side by side. Upson would call it a “Composite Balloon” in the patent. Each side of the balloon would have design features from Design 2. At the rear interior of the gas bag was an air-fed ballonet to keep the overall shape of the balloons intact when not fully inflated. The overall shape of the gas bag was changed, with Upson specifically mentioning that the bottom was flattened out to aid in aerodynamics. In each nose was an emergency gas escape valve to regulate the gas. On each side was one of Upson’s triangular stabilizing wings and at the rear was the keel bag. Instead of the tail cups that were common for kite balloons and used with the previous two designs, Upson would design a completely new tail stabilizing device. A large concave strip would connect to two ropes. Each rope would connect to an end of one of the gas bags. The strip would catch the wind like a parasail, stabilizing the balloon. Upson’s overall choice for the double body design was to greatly increase the stability and maximum height over contemporary balloon designs, with the idea that another body would assist in that regard considerably. The ropes connecting the basket were equally distributed to each of the balloon bags.

Despite Upson claiming it to be superior over his previous two designs, no composite balloon was ever built.

Too Late: The Caquot Arrives.

Two Upson Balloons are part of an exercise at the Akron Goodyear Plant, along with two Caquot Balloons. The photograph label incorrectly states all four balloons are Caquot R Types. [US National Archives]
From reports, the improvements done by Upson over the Drachenballon design did positively impact its design, making it much more stable in strong winds. A Design 1 balloon is known to have remained stable in 45mph winds. Despite the positive reception, there are still mentions that the Upson balloons design wasn’t perfect and it suffered still in terms of total stabilization compared to newer the newe balloons on the horizon, but overall it performed better than the Drachenballon in this regard. Upson’s balloon designs would have only just started their testing when the French officer, Albert Caquot, would create his superior balloon design in the later months of 1916. The design was created to completely fix the flaws of the Drachenballon. To fix the stability issues, two more air-inflated bags were placed at the rear of the balloon, totalling 3 stabilizers spaced 120 degrees apart from each other. The type was found to be completely superior over the Drachenballon and it quickly began replacing allied, and eventually German Drachenballons. Goodyear would later license build Caquot type balloons in 1918, for use by the American Balloon Corps. By their entrance in World War One, the US would only use Caquot types in combat operations in Europe. No further Upson balloons were built after 1917. Despite this, the two Design 2 balloons stationed at the Fort Omaha balloon school would continue to be used for training purposes until the closure of the school in 1919. It is unknown what fate befell the Navy operated kite balloons.

The Design 1 Balloon in operation at El Paso, Texas during the Mexican Border War. [texashistory.unt.edu]
An Upson Balloon at the Fort Omaha Balloon School. [US National Archives]
Due to a lack of information regarding these balloons, it is entirely possible, and extremely more than likely that more than the known amount of Upson balloons were built, but records and photos concerning the production of Design 1 and 2 types are severely lacking.

Upson would continue his work in the field of lighter-than-air aviation, working for Goodyear into the 1920s until he would leave the company to pursue his own vision of lighter-than-air aircraft. He would create the Aircraft Development Corporation, where he would design and build the metal-skinned airship ZMC-2 for the Navy. Upson would continue in the aviation industry all the way through the Second World War and into the 1950s.

A B-Class Blimp flies over the Goodyear hangar in Akron. One of the Upsons is being either taken in or out of storage. The second is visible in the hangar. [US National Archives]

Variants

*Note, the “Design” names are not the official designation, but named so here for simplicity.

  • Design 1– Heavily modified Drachenballon with improvements made by Upson. These include larger side stabilizers, the removal of the steering bag and the new keel bag for wind stabilizing. Five are confirmed to be built, with a possible 6th.
  • Design 2 – Completely original design that took the improvements from Design 1 and put them on a new design. Design 2 had a much more rounder body over Design 1. Four are known to have been built.
  • Design 3 – Composite balloon. Consisted of essentially two Design 2s sewn together. Reused all of the aforementioned modified side fins and keel bags. Would have a unique tail stabilizing parachute.

Operators

  • United States of America – The Upson types built were used by the balloon corps of the United States Army Air Corps and Navy.

Upson Kite Balloon Design 1 Specifications

Length 82 ft / 25 m
Diameter 22 ft / 6.7 m
Volumes 25,000 ft³ (707.9 m³)
Gas Type Hydrogen
Material Rubber-infused and non-infused cotton fabric
Maximum Service Ceiling 6000 ft / 1828.8 m
Crew 2 Observers
Equipment
  • Telephone

Upson Kite Balloon Design 2 Specifications

Volumes 25,000 ft³ (707.9 m³)
Gas Type Hydrogen
Material Rubber-infused and non-infused cotton fabric
Maximum Service Ceiling 6000 ft / 1828.8 m
Crew 2 Observers
Equipment
  • Telephone

Gallery

Illustration of Upson Balloon Design 1 by Ed Jackson

Credits

  • Written by Medicman
  • Edited by Blase & Mebble
  • Illustrated by Ed J.

Sources

LWF Model G

sweden flag USA (1918)
Multirole Aircraft – 3 Built

A side view of the LWF Model G-2. The firepower of the aircraft is evident, as the two of the four forward facing aircraft are visible near the engine, the double mount for the gunner, and beneath that the ventral gun is protruding. [US National Archives]
The LWF Model G was a multi-purpose two-man aircraft designed by LWF in 1918. While it was originally designed as a reconnaissance plane, it was redesigned to be equipped as a heavy fighter or bomber. Two aircraft were built for the United States Army Air Services for evaluation, where the craft reached 138 mph in its fighter loadout whilst carrying seven 7.62mm guns. Both prototypes would unfortunately crash, and with the First World War over, the Army Air Service no longer needed the aircraft. After the war, a third Model G was built as a mailplane.

History

The L.W.F. Engineering Company was an American aircraft manufacturer founded in 1915 by Edward Lowe Jr, Charles F. Willard, and Robert G. Fowler, with the company name being an acronym of their last names. The three had worked in the aviation industry before forming the company, with each using the experience they had learned to contribute to the company’s designs. In particular, the company was well known for its laminated wood, monocoque fuselages. Their first commercial product would be the LWF Model V, a two-seat reconnaissance/trainer aircraft for the United States Army Air Service. This would be their most popular aircraft, with over 100 being built before the end of the war. LWF would further experiment with the Model V, creating an improved prototype called the Model F. The Model F would replace the 135 hp (100 kW) Thomas-Morse engine of the Model V with a powerful 350 hp (261 kW) Liberty L-12 engine. This is claimed to be the first aircraft in the world to fly with a Liberty engine. The success of the Model F would inspire a successor design also using the Liberty engine, the Model G.


A pilot of the Model G-2 poses in front of the aircraft. [San Diego Air and Space Museum Archives]
The LWF Model G was drawn up in late 1917 as a high-speed reconnaissance/training plane using the aforementioned Liberty engine. It would bear a strong resemblance to the Model F, only differing in length and a few minor details. The first Model G aircraft was built in early January of 1918. On January 16th, the aircraft would take flight for the first time. The flight would start smoothly after takeoff but with a strong wind the aircraft was forced into a loop and entered into a tailspin, crashing into the ground and being completely destroyed. A second prototype would be constructed not long after the destruction of the first. This new prototype would be known as the Model G-1. The G-1 improved greatly upon the standard G model, but had more than its original reconnaissance and training role in mind. Instead of being solely a reconnaissance plane, the G-1 was envisioned as a capable two-seat fighter and light bomber. Each of the different configurations differed in terms of what they carried, whether it be weapons, bombs or extra armor. The G-1 was completed and flying by the summer of 1918, and its performance was superb. Test flights were done numerous times in front of both military and government officials to demonstrate the engine and its performance. By this point the Liberty engine had been upgraded to have 435hp (324.3 kW). Thanks to its more powerful Liberty engine, it was able to achieve incredible feats. In its fighter configuration, it was to carry an impressive armament of seven 7.62 machine guns. During a test flight, the aircraft was able to achieve a speed of 128mph (206 km/h) while carrying all of its weapons, fuel, and crew. In its bomber configuration, it would carry the same amount of guns, as well as additional armor and bomb racks.


The LFW Model F in flight, the predecessor to the Model G. Overall the two aircraft looked similar. [US National Archives]
Testing of the Model G-1 continued into late summer, when it was reworked into the Model G-2. The G-2 had several modifications to increase performance and handling. The control surfaces were fixed to be more balanced, and the ribs of the wings were doubled to improve structural stability. The improved design is noted as performing significantly better than the G-1. During a fully loaded flight , the improved Model G-2 went 10mph faster than the G-1, clocking in at 138mph. In comparison, the French Spad XIII fighter, one of the most highest performing production aircraft of the war, had the exact same top speed of 138mph (222 km/h) as the Model G-2, and it was a considerably lighter aircraft with only two machine guns. Testing of the G-2 continued through 1918 and showed excellent results. The aircraft was trialed in all three configurations and performance was recorded for each. On November 11th, the First World War came to an end. Despite there being no need for a fighter like the Model G, the type was still tested. A week after the end of hostilities, November 18th, the Model G-2 took off again. The aircraft however had taken off in dense fog, making visibility difficult. Due to the fog, the G-2 would crash and be totally destroyed. With the war over and both military prototypes destroyed, the pursuit of the Model G as a combat aircraft was over and LWF instead focused on the now-growing civilian market. There is mention on a photograph of the Model G-2 that an order for 600 of the aircraft was put out by the Army Air Service, but there is no mention of this in other sources. No production aircraft were built outside of the two military prototypes.

The mail-plane version of the Model G in 1919. Note the lack of armament and four bladed propeller. [US National Archives]
In 1919, a 3rd Model G was built as a mailplane. Little is known regarding this aircraft outside of a single photo. In the photo, which is dated April of 1919, long after both of the previous aircraft had crashed, an unarmed Model G is depicted. What is interesting about this version is that it had a four-bladed wooden propeller, whereas the previous models only had a two blade. Converting the Model G from a combat aircraft to a mailplane was a logical evolution. The Liberty engine would allow it to make quicker deliveries than its contemporaries, and it was able to carry up to 1,200 Ib (544.3 Kg) of cargo. Despite this advantage, only a single example was built. The fate of the mailplane is unknown, but it was likely scrapped years later once service was done, hopefully not meeting the same fate as the previous two Model Gs. No more work was done on the aircraft after the mailplane was finished.

Design


Complimentary image to the gunner showing the elevation, here the depression is shown. Note the ventral gun pointed straight down. [San Diego Air and Space Museum Archives]

Two of the forward facing guns are visible, one above the engine and one in the removed cowling area. [San Diego Air and Space Museum Archives]
The LWF Model G, and its upgrades, were a two-seat biplane multirole aircraft. The fuselage was constructed of laminated wood monocoque in a very aerodynamic cigar shape. It bore a resemblance to the sleek monocoque fighters of Germany, like the Pfalz D.III or Albatros D.V. In the nose, a Liberty L-12 engine was connected to a 2-bladed wooden propeller. At first the engine would be 350 hp (261 kW) but it was later upgraded to 435hp (324.3 kW) on the Model G-1 and onward. On the postwar mailplane, a four bladed propeller was used. The engine itself wasn’t fully covered, with about half protruding from the fuselage. On the nose were two radiators. Behind the engine sat the pilot. A windscreen protected the pilot from the wind and elements. Flight surfaces were controlled via two control sticks. The wings were two-bay and covered in fabric, with ailerons used on both pairs of wings. Beneath the fuselage was the landing gear. Two rubber lined wheels held the aircraft up on a basic landing gear frame. At the end of the fuselage was a landing skid. Behind the pilot sat the observer, who would handle observation duties in its basic configuration, and would serve as the gunner on the fighter and bomber configurations. His position was protected by a small windscreen as well. At the end of the tail were the vertical and horizontal stabilizers. The horizontal stabilizers were supported by two struts connected to the tailfin.

Another view of the gunner/observer position demonstrating the elevation of the double 7.62mm gun mount. [San Diego Air and Space Museum Archives]
On the Model G and reconnaissance/training versions of the G-1 and G-2, no armament would be used. For armament on the fighter and bomber versions of the G-1 and G-2, a total of seven 7.62mm machine guns would be used; five Marlin and two Lewis guns. Two would be built into the fuselage, forward facing. Two more would also be forward facing but would be mounted on the engine itself. The remaining three would be operated by the gunner with two on a movable mount and the last protruding from the underside of the belly. The double mount was highly mobile and offered a great range of fire for the gunner to defend the aircraft. Four bomb racks capable of carrying up to 592 Ibs (268.5 Kg) of bombs were equipped for the bomber configuration. The bomber configuration also carried 66 Ib (30 Kg) of armor for protection of the crew/internals.

The aircraft was painted overall in two tones. From above it was painted a dark brown to blend in with the ground, while from below it was painted a sky blue. The tailfin was painted in the signature red-white-blue found on other American combat aircraft. Two Army Air Service roundels were painted on the upper and lower wings.

Conclusion

View of the pilot and gunner/observers position in the aircraft. Note the small windscreens. [San Diego Air and Space Museum Archives]
The LWF Model G was an impressive aircraft all around, being able to carry a large arsenal of weapons while maintaining a high speed for an aircraft of its stature. Unfortunately, despite being so successful, the aircraft wasn’t adopted for production and with the loss of both prototypes, the military was possibly wary of the aircraft despite its success. With the war over, a need for the type wasn’t necessary, as the aviation industry moved into a more civilian-oriented market.

In the time frame of its development, even if it had been selected for production, it was so late in the war it likely wouldn’t have seen combat. Had it however, the LWF Model G would have been a truly terrifying foe to enemy aircraft, thanks to its powerful armament and fast top speed. With its seven 7.62mm machine guns, it carried more guns than several bombers of the time period.

LWF would continue designing their own aircraft post-war, most of them mailplanes like the Model G, but they too would never catch on. LWF would also license build aircraft from other companies during the 1920s. This wouldn’t last long, however, as the company would file for bankruptcy and become defunct in 1924.

Variants

  • LWF Model G – Prototype, unarmed. Equipped with Liberty V-12 engine. Crashed on first flight. One built.
  • LWF Model G-1 – 2nd Prototype, multirole. Improved upon the Model G and could be configured to do reconnaissance, dogfighting or bombing. Carried an impressive seven 7.62mm machineguns. Increased engine performance.
  • LWF Model G-2 – Modified version of the G-1. Had changes made to the design to increase handling and performance.
  • LWF Model G Mailplane – Unarmed mailplane version of the G-2. 1 built after the war.

Operators

  • United States of America – The LWF Model G was designed for use by the Army Air Service. Despite its success, the end of the war made the aircraft no longer needed. The 3rd Model G served as a mailplane.

LWF Model G-2 Specifications

Wingspan 41 ft 7 in /12.5 m
Length 29 ft 1 in / 8.8 m
Height 9 ft 4 in / 2.7 m
Wing Area 515.54 ft² / 47.9 m²
Engine 1x 435 hp ( 324.3 kW ) Liberty V-12 inline engine
Propeller 1x 2-blade 9 ft 7 in / 2.7 m wooden propeller (1,800 RPM)
Fuel Capacity 90 US Gal / 340.6 L
Water Capacity 14 US Gal / 53 L
Oil Capacity 6 US Gal / 22.7 L
Weights
Empty 2,675 lb / 1213.3 kg
Fighter 4,023 lb / 1824.8 kg
Bomber 4,879.5 lb / 2213.3 kg
Climb Rate
Time to 10,000 ft / 3048 m (Standard) 7.28 minutes
Time to 10,000 ft / 3048 m (Fighter) 9.18 minutes
Time to 10,000 ft / 3048 m (Bomber) 14.15 minutes
Maximum Speed 130 mph / 209.2 km/h at 10,000 ft / 3048 m

138 mph /222 km/h at Sea Level

Landing Speed 50 mph / 80.5 km/h
Endurance 4 hours
Maximum Service Ceiling 24,000 ft / 7315.2 m (Model G)
Crew 1 Pilot

1 Observer/Gunner

Armament
  • 5x 30 Caliber (7.62mm) Marlin machineguns
  • 2x 30 Caliber (7.62mm) Lewis machineguns
  • 4 bomb racks (carrying capacity 592 Ib / 268.5 Kg)

Gallery

Illustration by Ed Jackson

Credits

  • Written by Medicman
  • Edited by Henry H. and Ed J.
  • Illustrated by Ed Jackson

Sources

  • Jane, F. (1969). Jane’s all the world’s aircraft 1919. New York: Arco Pub.
  • Green, W. & Swanborough, G. (2002). The complete book of fighters : an illustrated encyclopedia of every fighter aircraft built and flown. London: Salamander.

Kennedy Giant

UK Union Jack United Kingdom (1917)
Heavy Bomber Prototype – 1 Built / 1 Incomplete

The completed Kennedy Giant (Flickr)

The Kennedy Giant was a very large heavy bomber prototype developed by the United Kingdom, and designed by Chessborough J. H. Mackenzie-Kennedy during World War I. The type was meant to be similar to the Russian Ilya Muromets series of heavy bombers. Development was plagued with issues due to the large size of the aircraft, and after a failed attempt at a first flight, the prototype was left to rot. A smaller redesign was in the works, but the program would be canceled in 1920.

The Man

Chessborough J H Mackenzie-Kennedy in front of the Kennedy Giant in 1917. (The Imperial War Musuem Footage)

In 1904, at the age of 18, Chessborough J. H. Mackenzie-Kennedy would leave his home country of Britain and move to Russia. The allure of developing his own aircraft firm in a place where very few firms were located was his main reason to move to the country. Only a few years after moving, Kennedy was able to design and build his own aircraft in 1908, and a year later would establish his own aircraft company, the Kennedy Aeronautic Firm, in 1909. In 1911, Kennedy would become acquainted with Igor Sikorsky, the premier aircraft designer of the Russian Empire. Kennedy would assist Sikorsky on several occasions with the design of several aircraft, but none of these would be as important as Kennedy’s work on the Sikorsky Russky Vityaz. The Russky Vityaz would be the world’s first 4-engined airplane and was one of the biggest aircraft built at the time. The aircraft would first fly in 1913. Kennedy would continue to help Sikorsky work on other aircraft, among them the successor to the Vityaz, the Ilya Muromets, until 1914.

On July 28th, 1914, Europe would be plunged into the First World War, with Britain entering the war on August 4th. After Britain entered the conflict, Kennedy would return to his home country to help with their war effort. Using the knowledge he gained while in Russia working with Sikorsky, Kennedy was confident Britain could use his expertise in aircraft design. Kennedy wanted to create a large bomber, akin to the Muromets. Upon his return to England, he would establish a design office at 102 Cromwell Road, South Kensington in London.

The Machine

Kennedy would begin talks with the British War Council discerning the creation of a large four engine bomber aircraft, similar to projects he had worked on with Sikorsky. Interestingly enough, Igor Sikorsky would convert the Ilya Muromets civilian aircraft Kennedy was familiar with into Russia’s first 4-engine strategic bomber. Kennedy was able to convince the War Council of his idea, and he was given funding to create his heavy bomber. The aircraft would become known as the Kennedy Giant.

The incomplete Giant being worked on. The wings are outside of the hangar while the tail is still inside. (The Imperial War Musuem Footage)

Construction of the Giant began soon afterwards at an unknown date. The manufacture of the components of the aircraft were undertaken by two companies, Gramophone Company Ltd and Fairey Aviation Co Ltd, both located in Hayes, Middlesex. When all of the components were finished, they were shipped to the Hendon Aerodrome for final construction of the massive aircraft. The sheer size of this aircraft would end up being the source of many problems during its development, and the first one would happen upon the arrival of the disassembled plane. Due to its large size, no hangar at the aerodrome was able to house the Giant, so the actual construction of the aircraft was done completely outdoors, on the airfield. The completed aircraft was impressive, possessing an 80ft (24.4m) fuselage and 142ft (43.3m) long wings. The Giant would heavily resemble the Russky Vityaz and Ilya Muromets that Kennedy had worked on in Russia. Due to the large size of the aircraft, the airplane was stored with its tail inside the hangar, whilst its wings and nose protruded outside. Moving the aircraft required two trucks and 70 men, and in one attempt, the fuselage was damaged from this action. The fuselage3 was redesigned to be 10ft (3m) shorter after this. Originally, Kennedy requested the aircraft to have 4 Sunbeam engines for power, but the engines requested were experiencing difficulties during testing, and wouldn’t be operational until after the war. Aside from testing, the War Council didn’t find the Giant important enough to warrant these new engines, and instead four Canton-Unne Salmson Z9 engines were given to the project instead. These engines would power two pusher and two puller propellers. With the engines finally in place, the completed Kennedy Giant was ready for its first flight.

The Kennedy Giant being constructed outside. (Jane’s All The Worlds Aircraft 1919)

The Giant’s first flight was in the later months of 1917. The aircraft would be set in the position for takeoff on the runway, with veteran test pilot Frank Courtney at the controls of the massive machine. The engines were set to full throttle, and as the aircraft gained speed, it only managed to make a short hop off the ground, being airborne for only a moment. It was found that the engines given to Kennedy were not able to take the Giant airborne. With the craft being so ungainly to move, and no desire to give the aircraft better engines, Kennedy’s giant aircraft was abandoned in the fields of the Hendon Aerodrome to rot, with a second attempt at a flight never materializing. Kennedy himself wasn’t discouraged by the failure of his aircraft and he began working on a smaller version that he hoped would achieve flight. Information on this version is sparse, but it was still in development after the war, and despite starting construction, the program was canceled in 1920. No photos or details on this smaller version are known. By 1920 the Giant project was going nowhere. With the war over, the War Council decided such a large aircraft was no longer a worthwhile investment.

A side view of the completed Kennedy Giant. (Jane’s All The Worlds Aircraft 1919)

In 1923, Kennedy would sue the War Council, now the Air Ministry, over a patent he had filed regarding the aircraft. During the war while he was working on the Giant, Kennedy would design a unique system for the tail gunner of the aircraft. The Air Ministry allegedly gave the design plans regarding the Giant to Handley Page in 1917, with the company applying for a patent on the tail gunner position on March 15th, 1918. Kennedy would file for the same patent for his Giant only a day later on the 16th. His case would be dismissed. The last time the Kennedy Giant would be mentioned regarding this case was in an aircraft magazine in 1923, which refers to the Giant still parked at the airfield at Hendon, most likely in poor condition from neglect. An some later date, the Giant was scrapped.

Design

Size comparison shot of the Giant next to a Bristol F.2 fighter. (Jane’s All The Worlds Aircraft 1919)

The Kennedy Giant was a large four engine heavy bomber built using experience gained from the development of the Russian Russky Vityaz and Ilya Muromets. The fuselage of the Giant was of wood construction and was entirely rectangular. All along the sides of the fuselage were celluloid covered windows. The cockpit had several large rectangular windows with good visibility for the pilot. Controls consisted of two large wheels connected to yokes that directed its control surfaces. Located in the upward slope of the nose, there was a window that assisted with bomb aiming. The wings of the aircraft were two bay, meaning a forward and aft row of struts between the upper and lower wings which were covered in fabric, with a wingspan of 142 feet (42.3m). The wings all had the same chord, but the upper wings were longer than the lower. Only the upper wings had ailerons. At the rear of the aircraft were the tail and elevators. Both of these were covered in fabric. The tailfin itself was rather small for the size of the aircraft and most likely would have negatively affected performance had the aircraft achieved sustained flight. The aircraft was powered by four 200 hp ( 149.1 kW ) Canton-Unne Salmson Z9 nine-cylinder water-cooled radial engines powering four wooden propellers. Two of these engines were to be used in a pusher configuration, while the other two were positioned in a tractor configuration.

Despite never being armed, plans for armament of the Giant exist. The aircraft would be armed defensively with 4 machine guns of unknown type. One of these would be located in the nose, one would be located behind the wings on top of the fuselage, and the last two would be in the tail. The tail gunner would have a unique seat option for the gunner, where it could act as either a seat or a kneepad depending on how the gun was being fired. This seat design would be the cause of the lawsuit in 1923. An unknown number and type of bomb would have been used. The bombs would have been held nose down by two arms. A selector gear would control which bombs were dropped while indicating how many were left.

Conclusion

The Kennedy Giant was an earnest attempt to create a heavy bomber using experience gained by Kennedy in Russia, but due to inadequate engines would never be truly realized to its fullest potential. What is interesting to note is the specifications listed for the Giant would actually make it larger than the Zeppelin Staaken R.VI, which is considered the largest production airplane of the World War I. Had it even flown, the Giant would likely have experienced maneuverability issues as its vertical stabilizer height was rather inadequate for the size of the aircraft. After the failure of the Giant, Kennedy would file for bankruptcy, as the program had personally cost him quite a lot of money. He would eventually move to America in the 1930s.

Variants

  • Kennedy Giant – Large, four engine heavy bomber prototype. One built but did not achieve sustained flight.
  • Postwar Kennedy Giant – Very little is known of this variant aside from it being a smaller version of the Kennedy Giant. It was under construction when the program ended.

Operators

  • United Kingdom – The Kennedy Giant was built for the British War Council as a prototype heavy bomber.

Kennedy Giant Specifications

Wingspan 142 ft / 43.3 m
Length 80 ft / 24.4 m
Height 23 ft 6 in / 7.2 m
Engine 4x 200 hp ( 149.1 kW ) Canton-Unne Salmson Z9 nine-cylinder water-cooled radial engines
Propeller 4x 2-blade wooden propellers
Empty Weight 19,000 Ib / 8618.3 kg
Crew 3
Armament

(planned)

  • 4x Machine Guns
  • Bomb Payload of Unknown Size

Gallery

The first version of the completed Kennedy Giant – by Ed Jackson
Closeup view of the cockpit of the Kennedy Giant. (The Imperial War Musuem Footage)
View of the tail of the Giant. (The Imperial War Musuem Footage)
The mid-section of the Giant. (The Imperial War Musuem Footage)
Kennedy demonstrating the controls of the Giant while in the cockpit. (The Imperial War Musuem Footage)
Kennedy walking down the interior of the Giant. (The Imperial War Musuem Footage)

Credits

  • Written by Medicman11
  • Edited by by Ed Jackson & Henry H.
  • Illustrations by Ed Jackson

Sources

  • Grey, C. G. Jane’s all the world’s aircraft, 1919 : a reprint of the 1919 edition of All the world’s aircraft. Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1969. Print.
  • Mason, Francis K. The British bomber since 1914. London: Putnam, 1994. Print.
  • https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Mackenzie-Kennedy-7

Parseval-Sigsfeld Drachenballon

German Empire Flag German Empire (1898)
Captive Observation Balloon

 

Austro-Hungarian Drachenballon in 1917 [US National Archives]
The Parseval-Sigsfeld Drachenballon was a German observation balloon designed to replace the older spherical-type balloons used for nearly a century. The balloon would be designed in such a way that it would face into the wind, and be much more stable over its predecessor, using design attributes similar to kites. The Drachenballon would be used in several wars over its lifetime, including widespread use during the First World War. Here, it saw service on almost all fronts, and would even be copied by the Allies. The type would eventually be replaced by the much more stable Caquot/Type Ae 800 observation balloons in 1916, but despite this would continue to see service until the 1920s.

The Spherical Balloon: An Outdated Design

Two German spherical balloons in 1896. These balloons could only be used in good wind conditions, any rough weather would jostle the balloon around. [Waffen Arsenal 149]
The idea of using balloons as a means of observation in war dates back nearly to their initial conception in the late 1700s. An aerial observer allowed an army excellent view of the battlefield below, offering a strategic advantage over your enemies. The first time a balloon would be used in war for this purpose would be at the Battle of Fleurus in 1794 during the French Revolution. Balloons would continue being used in several smaller roles in later wars, such as the American Civil War and the Boer Wars, but would never see widespread use in large numbers. Beginning in the late 1800s, balloon corps began forming in sufficient numbers, all using the same type of spherical tethered balloon design that had been used for nearly a century without design changes. While it allowed observers to be elevated to altitudes sufficient to observe the battle, it was not the most stable of designs. Spherical balloons, when encountering even a light wind, would be thrown about. This severely limited when the balloon could operate, as even slightly windy days could prevent the aircraft from operating efficiently. The swaying from the wind also made it difficult for the operators to observe the battle and would oftentimes make them very air sick. Despite this, the design was the only type of observation balloon used for nearly a century.


Two French Type H balloons with a Type E spherical balloon. [Imperial War Museum]

The Parseval-Sigsfeld Drachenballon

Diagram of a Drachenballon from Balloons and Airships, 1783-1973

The German Empire was no exception in this field and had their own balloon corps formed after seeing the success of observation balloons in the American Civil War. Like the rest of the world, they too would use the simple spherical balloon type until the 1890s. In the early 1890s, two German officials; Major August Von Parseval and Captain H Bartsch von Sigsfeld began working together to create a new type of balloon to address the problems associated with spherical balloons. The two had extensive experience with designing and using balloons for military applications. Attempts to remedy the old spherical balloon had been attempted in the past, but none of these would ever be successful. Parseval and Sigsfeld would use the knowledge gained from these past attempts to develop their own replacement. Testing of the new type began in 1893. Many different shapes, sizes and layouts were tested over several years, until in 1898, the final design for their observation balloon was completed. The new design was named the Drachenballon, literally ‘kite balloon,’ as it would glide with the wind, with the German spelling ‘ballon.’ The balloon was designed in such a way that it would face into the wind, instead of being blown around by it. Balloons designed in this way would from then on be called kite balloons. The Drachenballon would mostly serve as a captive balloon, or one that was connected to the ground via a cable. With the design proving to be a major improvement over the old spherical balloons, mass production soon commenced. Production of the type initially began at the August Ridinger plant in Augsburg, Germany. Here the balloons would be produced as well as the vehicles necessary to transport and support the balloons. The type quickly became the mainstay for the German Military for aerial observation duties, both by the German Army and the German Navy. For the Navy, Drachenballons would be carried aboard large warships and sent up for rangefinding and battle observation. Despite being superior to the spherical balloons, the two types were still used together in balloon companies until the early 1900s when the Drachenballon completely replaced the older spherical type.

Design

Two German Drachenballons in different colors. The closest is painted green while the background is tan. The tan balloon’s ballonet isn’t inflated yet. [Waffen Arsenal 149]
The Drachenballon was a captive observation balloon developed for the German Empire. The main body consisted of a large cylinder shape made out of rubberized fabric that was filled with hydrogen gas. Gas pressure and release was regulated by a valve in the nose of the balloon. It could do so automatically, or manually via rope. At the rear of the body was an internal air bag, or ballonet, that was filled with air via the wind to keep the balloon’s shape if the hydrogen gas bag was not fully filled yet. Underneath the ballonet was an air inlet that was fed directly by the wind. On the underside of the front of the balloon was its neck, where the hydrogen gas would be pumped into the gas bag while it was on the ground. Two valves placed on each side of the gas bag/ballonet could be opened to quickly release the gas/air and descend. On each side of the balloon’s body was a small stabilizing fin. Early examples of these were triangular in shape, but they became rectangular near the outbreak of World War I. At the back of the body was a steering bag that was sewn on. The steering bag was made of regular fabric and was designed to keep the balloon stable and facing into the wind. The steering bag was inflated by wind via a large intake at the bottom of the bag facing forward, and a smaller intake located on the bag itself. At the top of the steering bag was a safety valve that permitted excess air to escape. The steering bag was held together via rigging to the main body. Connected to the steering bag was the tail of the balloon, which was a long cable with up to 6 removable tail cups, resembling small parachutes which trailed behind the main balloon, that helped with stabilization. The balloon would face towards the wind at an angle of 30-40 degrees. Slightly below the equator of the balloon was the balloon girdle. This was made of rubber and served as the attachment point for all of the balloon’s rigging. Various ropes were used for the rigging, which kept the different parts of the balloon together. Three colors of rope were used to differentiate their specific sections; white, red and blue. Blue rope was rigging for the steering bag, white rope was for cable rigging and red ropes connected to the observer’s basket. It is unknown if rope colors were used throughout its service or if the copies used by the Allies also used colored ropes. The cable that connected the balloon to the ground and the ropes that connected the basket were different ropes and were not connected together. On the ground, the steel mooring line was connected to a pulley that prevented the balloon from moving and could lower or raise the balloon at will.

A balloon operator fires a signal gun in the basket of a German Drachenballon. [US National Archives]
The basket of the Drachenballon was made of willow and bamboo and was secured to the balloon by four ropes. These ropes were adjustable by the crew to prevent the basket from swinging around. Accommodations for the observer were located in the basket. A telephone could be placed in the basket and would have its cable connected to the ground via an internal wire that went through the mooring cable. Two pockets were located inside the basket to store equipment, as well as ten metal cases to protect valuable reports. Once a report was finished, it was put into a case and dropped from the balloon to the ground. Flags were put on the cases to help the ground crew find them more easily. Standard operating height for captive observation balloons were 500m, but if the weather was rough, the balloon would be raised to 300m instead. The larger Drachenballon variants created during the First World War would be able to achieve a maximum height of 2,000 meters. Inflation of the balloon would take 15 minutes, with ascension taking 10 minutes and descent taking 5 minutes. Equipment used by the observer included maps, notebooks, two signal flags (one red, one white), a barometer, a knife, two looking glasses of varying magnification, and a signal disk to show what commands could be done with the flags. Later on during the First World War, parachutes would also become standard onboard equipment. Additional equipment that could be carried included signal flares, a flare gun, or a camera. On Drachenballons used by the Navy or aboard ships, life preservers were standard issue. A single observer would remain in the basket during operations but up to 48 men made up the ground crew that would handle moving, inflating, deflating, and transporting the balloon and its associated equipment.

A German Drachenballon being fired upon by flak. [Imperial War Museum]
The Drachenballon would be used for observation of enemy troop positions and movements, and would report on the current situation of the battle. Gun sighting and fire correction were also reported during battle to adjust the accuracy of artillery used near the balloon. Aboard ships, the Drachenballon was used for rangefinding purposes. During the First World War, submarine spotting was an additional duty naval Drachenballons were used for.

Drachenballons of the German Army were standard tan or dark green in color. On the sides and on the underside was an Iron Cross emblem to identify its operator. Allied countries would not have these emblems on their balloons and their exact colors are unknown. Russian Drachenballons were known to be white.

The 1900s: The Drachenballon Goes To War

A German Drachenballon prepares to go up, 1915. [Rolf Kranz]
The Drachenballon would see its first operational use in wartime in 1904 during the Russo-Japanese war. Imperial Russia had acquired several Drachenballons from Germany around the outbreak of the war, and would use them in the conflict. The first battle Drachenballons would be used in would be the Battle of Port Arthur. Aside from land usage, the balloons were also used by the Russian Navy, one such Drachenballon was used aboard the Armored Cruiser Rossia for observational duties and for directing fire of the main guns. The balloons would be used through the war until the final battle at Mukden.

Drachenballon on the Eastern Front in 1916. [Waffen Arsenal 149]
In 1909, Sweden would purchase five Drachenballons from Germany to use for their military. The type would be named the Drakballong m/09, with three going to the Royal Swedish Army and two going to the Royal Swedish Navy. Two m/09s would be sent to the Swedish Balloon Corp stationed in Frosunda for training. The Swedish Royal Navy would purchase a barge from Britain and convert it into a balloon carrier. The ship would be designed to house and operate the two m/09s the navy operated and was named Ballongfartyget No 1. Sweden would continue to use the m/09 until 1926.

Also in 1909, Spain would use a Drachenballon they built from purchased plans during the Campaign of Millela.

In 1912, the Italians would use the Drachenballon during the Italian-Turkish War for observing Turkish positions. These were purchased from Germany. The Italian-Turkish War was a major stepping stone in regards to aviation, being the first use of combat aircraft in war, and would serve as a prelude to what was to come in only a few years. Italian Drachenballons would also be used during their involvement in the First Balkan War. Aside from Italy, Bulgaria would also use Drachenballons during this war.

Romanian operated Drachenballon. [Imperial War Museum]
In 1914, Europe would be plunged into the First World War, with most armies across Europe participating in combat. Germany would enter the war only days after its start, first declaring war on Russia on August 1st, then against France on the 3rd. Despite declaring war in August, the first balloon companies wouldn’t see action until October. On the fronts, the Drachenballons were used as observation balloons and rangefinding for artillery. Each balloon company would be its own division in the army it was attached to. By the end of 1915, over 80 Drachenballons were in service with the German Army. The majority of the balloons used at this point were still 600 m³ volume, but newer 800 m³ and 1000 m³ volume models had begun production. The increase in size was to improve overall stability, and to allow greater altitude to be achieved. The largest type would be 1200 m³ volume. Austria-Hungary would receive several Drachenballons from Germany for their own armies to use. These balloons would be used on the Italian Front and several would be lost to enemy fighters. The Austria-Hungarian Navy would also use Drachenballons aboard ships. German Drachenballons saw mass deployment during the Battle of the Verdun in February of 1916, directing the large number of artillery regiment on the German side. Due to their success at Verdun, more balloon divisions were formed.

An interesting German Drachenballon. This particular example appears to be two tone colored [Imperial War Musuem]
The shape of the Drachenballon became iconic in World War One, earning itself many nicknames. The most common was “sausage” in reference to its overall shape, and maybe its German origin. Many other nicknames were spawned from its overall shape, most of them phallic references. Overall, Allied countries would simply refer to them as kite balloons or shorten the name to just “Drachen”

Underside of an Drachenballon, the two side fins are clearly visible. [US National Archives]
During the Battle of Flers, the first battle to use tanks operationally, the Mark I tank D17 “Dinnaken” fired once upon a German Drachenballon as it charged Flers. The shot is noted as either closely missing or hitting the kite balloon, but not destroying it. In response, the balloon was likely lowered by the observers and ground crew to avoid being fired upon again. The diary of the tank reported that Gunner Reiffer claimed that the balloon was brought down manually and that Gunner Boult was the one to claim the hit. This was later claimed by Reiffer as himself shooting down the balloon and destroying it in a 1963 book. This incident could be cited as the first “kill” of a tank in combat, but the balloon itself was not destroyed, making this claim untrue.

At the outset of the war, most Allied countries would still be using spherical balloons. France in particular had large numbers of the type in service, and Russia would still have their Drachenballons they had purchased from Germany in the early 1900s. Italy would also continue to use their Drachenballons from the previous war once they entered the fray. Belgium would start the war off with a single 800 m³ Drachenballon they had purchased from Germany years before. In late 1914, France would copy the Belgian Drachenballoon’s design and would begin mass producing the type under the name Ballon Captif Type H. The French would also begin selling the Type H to other allied nations. In February of 1915, British officials would do a test flight of a French Type H and would soon after make a purchase of an unknown amount of these balloons for their empire. After this, they would produce their own copied versions of this craft. Britain would make heavy use of Drachenballons on several of their fronts in the Royal Army, and with the Royal Navy. The Royal Navy would have several specially designed ships created solely for the purpose of carrying kite balloons during fleet operations. The early ships of this type would use Drachenballons. Several examples of these ships include the HMS Manica, HMS Hector and HMS City of Oxford, all of which were designed to carry and operate the Drachenballon. These balloons were used to not only observe and direct guns, but as the threat of submarines became more prevalent, the balloon operators began looking for submarines as well. Minesweeping also became a common use for RNAS (Royal Naval Air Service) Drachenballons, where the balloon would be raised to detect incoming mines from the air. Several other nations would end up using the Drachenballon, but the details of their acquisition and use are lacking. Romania and Switzerland are two such examples.

Balloon Observer jumps from a Drachenballon via parachute. The tail and its cups are clearly visible. [US National Archives]
As the war went on, the use of combat airplanes increased. In particular, fighters began being produced in larger numbers. This posed a problem to the Drachenballon, as these large and stationary balloons became easy targets. Taking down a balloon was considered the same as shooting down an enemy plane, so the Drachenballon became a prime target for aviators. Many of the special weapons employed against airships were used against observation balloons, such as incendiary rounds designed to ignite the flammable hydrogen gas, or the fabric skin of the balloon. It therefore became imperative that the balloons be protected and defensive measures be developed. German Drachenballons began to be defended by a number of anti-aircraft guns and patrolling fighters, to protect the observers as they did their duty. Another improvement made was enhancing the performance of the electric winches which lowered the balloons, allowing the balloon to be brought closer to its defensive guns more quickly. These countermeasures made ‘balloon busting’ a much more hazardous job than before, as pilots had to get in close to the balloon to avoid encountering enemy defenses, as defenders would likely stop shooting at close range to avoid friendly fire on their balloons. Despite these improvements to defenses, balloon busting was still a job many pilots had to undertake, and for some pilots this was their only duty. A handful of pilots would be given the title of ace on destroying observation balloons alone. Interestingly, Drachenballon observers were the first on all sides to use parachutes in war, starting with Germany in 1915.

A US-operated Drachenballon at Fort Omaha, Nebraska in 1919. [US National Archives]
America at some point would acquire or build their own versions of Drachenballons, however they also had their own kite balloon design. Ralph H. Upson, a balloon pioneer and engineer at Goodyear, designed his own improved kite balloon based on the Drachenballon. It would use his own stabilizing fin design, as well as remove the steering bag altogether, instead replacing it with an aerodynamic keel shaped bag that he thought would better flow with the wind. Two versions of this balloon exist, with the first essentially being a slightly modified Drachenballon. Despite this original design in use, America still operated a number of the standard Drachenballon copies. Two were stationed at the Fort Omaha Balloon school for training purposes. The first was nicknamed “Old Dutch” and its design differs from the standard appearance with it having an apparently different method of construction, and the side wings being much thicker. The second one stationed at Fort Omaha resembles the standard design of the Drachenballon. No evidence has been found that America’s Drachenballons were used in the First World War. By the time of their entry in the war, more advanced types had already been fielded, and the remaining Drachenballons would be used for training of the various balloon corps. Exactly how many Drachenballons were either built or used by the USA is unknown, as details are lacking.

The End of an Era: The Caquot and Type Ae 800

Type AE 800 in action. This was a copy of the French Caquot Type M balloon and would replace the Drachenballon in late 1916. [US National Archives]
Despite its success replacing the spherical balloon, the Drachenballon didn’t fix all of the issues of its predecessor. Although it was designed to face the wind, it was found that at higher altitudes, winds would still move the balloon around to an extent that would limit the maximum effective altitude. No attempts from the Germans would be made to address this problem, instead it would be the French who would come up with an improvement to the design. In 1916, a French officer by the name of Albert Caquot began working on an intended replacement. Using the Drachenballon as a base, Caquot would come up with a new, much more stable design, the Ballon Type L. The Type L resembled the Drachenballon but had a much bigger steering bag that wrapped all the way around the rear of the aircraft in a single big fin. The type was further improved on with the Caquot Ballon Type M. The Type M balloon would have a much rounder shape than the Drachenballon. Instead of a single large fin at the bottom and two smaller stabilizer fins on each side, Caquot’s balloon would instead have 3 large, air-inflated fins placed 120 degrees apart from each other at the rear of the balloon. Caquot’s new balloon design was found to be completely superior to the Drachenballon in terms of stability. The placement of the fins helped keep the balloon steady in high winds, allowing the type to be much more stable and able to fly much higher. In due time, Caquot balloons entered mass production and were sent to the frontlines, replacing both the spherical balloons still in service and the Drachenballons. Soon, Britain and other Allied countries like Romania, began operating Caquot balloons as well. America would start their entrance to the war using Goodyear-built Caquots for their observation role.

In the later months of 1916, the German Army would capture a British Type M balloon. Coming loose due to a broken mooring cable, the balloon managed to drift behind German lines where it was captured. The German Army was quick to study the new design, and like the Allies, found it a much more stable design over the Drachen. The Germans would copy the Caquot design under the name Type Ae 800 (English Type, 800m3 volume) and would begin mass producing the type to replace their older Drachenballons. The Type Ae 800 became the standard observation balloon from this point forward for the German Army, and the Drachenballon would be slowly retired from service. During the Second World War, Germany would use a derivative design of the Type Ae 800 in the early stages of the war, as well as on the Eastern Front against the USSR. No further work on the Drachenballon was done by Germany after this point.

The Aftermath: Postwar Use-1920s

Basket of an Austro-Hungarian Drachenballon. [US National Archives]
A total of 1,870 German balloons of both types were delivered to the front by the end of the war. With the signing of the armistice in 1918, all German observation balloons were ordered to be destroyed by the Allies under the Treaty of Versailles.With the primary user of the aircraft no longer able to operate it, and it already being replaced by a new type, one would think the story of the Drachenballon would end with the First World War. However, it would continue to be used in several countries for nearly a decade.

America would continue to operate their Drachenballons until at least 1919. By this point they had already been widely replaced years prior by the Caquot types. Because of this they were only used for training. Interestingly, at the Fort Omaha Balloon School, every type of balloon then in service was used, Drachenballons, Caquot, Goodyear/Upson, the Italian Avorio-Prassone, and even spherical balloons were still being operated until its closure in 1919.

In 1919, Poland would acquire a Drachenballon from a former German facility in Winiary, Poland. This Drachenballon would be used for training purposes for only a few months before being given to a museum in 1920.

Two USSR operated balloons in Red Square during a celebration, 1920. The foreground balloon appears to be a Caquot-type with its upper fins deflated while the background is a Drachenballon. [Waffen Arsenal 161]
After the fall of Imperial Russia and the rise of the USSR in 1922, the Drachenballons operated by the former Empire would end up in the hands of the Soviets. These Drachenballons were used until at least 1925, and would be seen in parades and other exercises. The USSR would use the Drachenballon for a very interesting purpose. On several of their armored trains, a Drachenballon would be deployed from the train and would direct its artillery from above. These were eventually phased out of service.

Conclusion

British Army operated Drachenballon. [Imperial War Museum]
Parseval and Sigfeld’s Drachenballon was an important evolutionary step in the design of the observation balloon, but it wasn’t the last. Although slightly mending the issue it was designed to solve, it would never completely overcome its stability problems, and was eventually replaced by a more advanced successor. Despite this, it served a crucial role in militaries across the world for the purpose of observation and artillery rangefinding for several decades, on land and sea.

After creating the balloon back in 1898, the two creators August Von Parseval and H Bartsch von Sigsfeld would continue to work with each other designing lighter-than-air aircraft. The two began working on an airship together until von Sigsfeld’s death in 1902 due to a ballooning accident involving a Drachenballon. Parseval would continue creating and building airships, some would rival even the larger Zeppelin airships in size, but they did not capture the same level of success.

A Swiss-operated Drachenballon before liftoff around the time of the First World War [Swiss Federal Archives]
Italian Drachenballon being prepared for flight. [Imperial War Museum]
British Royal Navy Drachenballon. These would serve on designated balloon ships for observation duties. [Imperial War Museum]
A RNAS Drachenballon aboard the battleship HMS Benbow, 1916. [Wiki]
British Army operated Drachenballon. [Imperial War Museum]
To protect the balloon from weather, small sheds would be constructed in the field for cover. [Waffen Arsenal 149]

Variants

  • Parseval-Sigsfeld Drachenballon – The standard Parseval-Sigsfeld Drachenballon came in several volumes/sizes, but all retained the same shape and overall design.
  • Copied Drachenballon – The Drachenballon was copied by several countries without license. The designs of these copies may be consistent with the German design but some of these appear with details differing from the German version. The American “Old Dutch” Balloon appears to be one such example.
  • Ballon Captif Type H – French-built Drachenballons were given this designation.
  • Drakballong m/09 – Name given to five Drachenballons bought by Sweden.

Operators

  • German Empire – The Drachenballon was created by and widely used by the German Empire as a replacement for the spherical type. These would be produced through the 1890s until 1916 when the type would be replaced by the Type Ae 800 balloon.
  • Austro-Hungarian Empire – Austria-Hungary would use the Drachenballon as their main observation balloon during the First World War, being given to them by Germany.
  • British Empire – The United Kingdom would copy the Drachenballon for their own use. The type would be used by the British Royal Army and the British Royal Navy during the First World War. Several of the Empire’s Dominions would use the balloon as well, such as Canada.
  • France – France would begin copying the design in 1914 as the Ballon Captif Type H and would be used until 1916 in the First World War. These were tested to find out what could be improved on the design, which led to the creation of the Caquot balloons.
  • United States of America – The USA would operate Drachenballons until at least 1919. Several would be used during the Mexican Border War. The Drachenballon would serve as the basis of the Upson kite balloon.
  • Belgium – Belgium would operate a number of Drachenballons for observation use against the Germans in the First World War. They would purchase one years prior from Germany.
  • Romania – Romania would operate a number of Drachenballons during the Romanian campaign of the First World War.
  • Italy – Italy would use the Drachenballon during the Italian-Turkish War, First Balkan War and First World War.
  • Russian Empire – Imperial Russia would operate the Drachenballon by the White Army and the Imperial Navy. These would see combat operations during the Russo-Japanese War and the First World War.
  • Soviet Union – After the October Revolution, the USSR would use the Drachenballons used by the former Russian Empire for their own balloon corps. These would be used until at least 1925 when they were replaced by more advanced models.
  • Sweden –Sweden would purchase five Drachenballons from Germany in the early 1900s. These were given the designation of Drakballong m/09. Three would go to the Swedish Royal Army and two would go to the Swedish Royal Navy.
  • Poland – Poland would capture a single Drachenballon in 1919 and would use it for training purposes until 1920.
  • Spain –Spain would license build a single Drachenballon. It was used during the Campaign of Millelan.
  • Bulgaria – Bulgaria would operate the Drachenballon during the First Balkan War.
  • Switzerland – Switzerland operated an unknown amount of Drachenballons around the time of the First World War

Due to it being copied, several other countries could have ended up building their own versions or received some from the Allies or Germans.

Parseval-Sigsfeld Drachenballon Specifications

Diameter 22.4 ft / 6.8 m (800 m³ type)
Length 89.6 ft / 27.3 m (800 m³ type)
Height 65 ft / 19.8 m (800 m³ type)
Volumes 21188.8 ft³ (600 m³)

26486 ft³ (750 m³)

28251.7 ft³ (800 m³)

35314.7 ft³ (1,000 m³)

42377.6 ft³ (1,200 m³)

Gas Type Hydrogen
Material Rubber-infused and non-infused cotton fabric
Standard Service Ceiling 1640 ft / 500 m (Clear Weather)

984 ft / 300 m (Rough Weather)

Maximum Service Ceiling 6561.7 ft / 2000 m
Crew 1 Observer

48 Ground crew

Equipment
  • 2x Signal flags
  • 1x Telephone
  • 1x Notebook
  • Maps
  • 2x Magnifying lens
  • 10x Metal cases
  • 1x Barometer
  • 1x Signal Disk
  • Parachutes (During WWI)
  • Life Preservers (Naval use)
  • Signal flares(Optional)
  • Camera (Optional)

Gallery

Illustrations by Ed Jackson

A German Drachenballon, note the rope colors
Another example of German Drachenballon with a lighter colored balloon material

Credits

  • Written by Medicman11
  • Edited by Stan L. & Henry H.
  • Illustrations by Ed Jackson

Sources

 

DFW Floh

German Empire FlagGerman Empire (1915)
Fighter – 1 Built

The strange looking DFW T28 Floh. [DFW Aircraft of WWI]
The DFW T28 Floh (Flea) was an early biplane fighter designed for use by the German Empire. To get an edge over then current monoplane fighters, the T28 was designed with aerodynamics and speed in mind. The result was an aircraft that looked straight out of a cartoon. Despite its appearance, the aircraft performed well during testing, maxing out at 112mph (180 km/h). Although its speed was good, its large body and the placement of the wings reduced visibility for the pilot, making landings with the craft difficult. This was enough for officials to decline production of the type despite its respectable top speed.

History

In times of emergent technology, it goes without saying that many new endeavors are tested out. Many of these may seem strange to us now, but something odd looking to us could have been revolutionary for the time. This was no exception for aircraft in the First World War. Many different ideas were tested in the name of advancing aerodynamics. Some of these would end in blunders while others would be influential to aircraft design. A curious case of attempted aircraft advancement was the DFW T28, a plane that pushed records for speed, while looking downright comedic.

A frontal view of the Floh during taxxiing, the pilot had to stand up to even see while doing this. DFW C.Is are visible in the background. [DFW Aircraft of WWI]
The Deutsche Flugzeugwerke (DFW) was a German aircraft manufacturer formed in 1910 that license-built French aircraft before the war. During the early years of the First World War, they would design and produce a number of two-seater aircraft types, both armed (C-Type) and unarmed (B-Type). No work was done on a fighter aircraft by DFW at the beginning of the war. Fighter aircraft weren’t as common by this point in the war as they would soon be known, with most types in production being German Eindecker (monoplane) designs like the Fokker E.I. Very few actual biplane fighters (D-Type) had been developed at this time, aside from a prototype or two. Despite this, the Eindecker showed its effectiveness and led to a period of time in 1915 where the air was dominated by the Germans, known as the “Fokker Scourge” to the allies.

Herman Dorner with his Floh. [DFW Aircraft of WWI]
In mid 1915, a new head engineer, Dipl-Ing (Engineer) Hermann Dorner was appointed at DFW. Dorner was a German early aviation pioneer in the 1900s and 1910s, building gliders and powered aircraft alike. He had formed his own aircraft company in 1910, but due to poor business decisions on Dorner’s end, the company would be liquidated in 1913. He would go on to work as a teacher at the Adlershof flight school, as well as working for the Deutsche Versuchsanstalt für Luftfahrt (German Research Institute for Aviation) before finally being employed by DFW during the war. After joining DFW, Dorner began working on a new fighter aircraft project. Dorner took issue with the Eindeckers in service at the time, particularly relating to their speed. Despite their effectiveness, all of the Fokker Eindeckers built (E.I-E.IV), could not attain a speed faster than around 87mph (km/h). With newer Allied machines on the horizon, this speed wouldn’t give the Eindeckers an edge forever and a replacement was needed.

Dorner had speed in mind with his fighter design. His vision had the aircraft streamlined for aerodynamic flow. Overall the aircraft would be small and light in construction to reduce weight. Work began on a prototype of Dorner’s fighter in late 1915 at DFW’s facility in Lubeck-Travemunde. This facility primarily served as a flight school for DFW, and wasn’t their main factory. The construction of the aircraft, now known as the DFW T28 Floh, was supervised by Theo Rockenfeller at the plant. The final T28 looked like it flew straight out of a cartoon, possessing a very tall fuselage with small wings. This proportional difference made the aircraft appear more like a caricature than a combat aircraft of the time period. Despite its design, the aircraft was still designed for speed, and would have a 100hp (74.5kW) Mercedes D I engine, which was completely enclosed in the fuselage. Armament would be a single machine gun mounted in front of the pilot. The T28 would take flight shortly after its construction, but the exact date is unknown. The design choices of the aircraft to make it fly faster worked well, as it was able to achieve a top speed of 112 mph (180 km/h), which was extremely impressive for the time period. However, its design wasn’t perfect and the choices made to improve speed negatively affected other aspects of the aircraft, in particular, its landing characteristics. The tall profile of the craft, the location of the upper wing, and the placement of the pilot’s position, gave him a superb view above the plane but was severely restricted frontally and below. The prototype Floh would be damaged due to this reason upon landing on its first flight, due to the pilot misjudging his height, as well as having a fast landing speed. This issue also affected takeoff, as the high placement of the pilot required him to stand up during taxiing to see. The design was reworked a few times after its first flight, mainly with improving the tail surfaces. Despite achieving the speed Dorner wanted, the military officials showed little interest in the design, with some sources citing that it was just too fast for the military. Further work on the aircraft was stopped after this. Exactly what happened to the aircraft after being declined for production is unknown, whether it was simply scrapped or if it was continually used at DFW’s facilities for training and testing are possible theories. Many prototype German aircraft of the First World War would go on to serve as trainers for their various companies once production declined. The facility the T28 was built served as a flight training school for DFW after all.

Design

Rear view of the aircraft. [DFW Aircraft of WWI]
The DFW T28 Floh was a biplane fighter designed in 1915 to supersede then in use Eindecker fighters. It had a length of 14ft 9in (4.3 m), a wingspan of 20ft 4in (6.2 m) and a height of 7ft 6in (2.3 m). The aircraft had a tall, flat sided fuselage constructed of wood. The fuselage would be sleek and rounded in design to reduce drag. Buried in the fuselage was a 100hp (74.5kW) Mercedes D.I engine. The aircraft had a large wooden propeller, with a relatively small landing gear mounted far forward with two wheels almost at the nose of, accompanied by a landing skid at the end of the tail. The short wings were fabric covered with wooden ribs. The wings themselves were single bay, meaning only one pair of support struts between the upper and lower wing. The upper wings were placed in a way that restricted the pilot’s vision downward and forward. Behind the wings and engine in the fuselage sat the pilot. Two cutouts were made into the left side of the fuselage for the pilot to climb up into the cockpit. Toward the rear of the fuselage the tail would taper. At the end were the horizontal and vertical stabilizers. The vertical stabilizer itself acted as the rudder and was completely movable. The elevators were originally the same width as the horizontal stabilizers but these were modified later into testing to be wider to increase performance.

For armament, a single synchronized machine gun was fitted in front of the pilot.

A side view of the Floh, its strange proportions are clearly evident. [DFW Aircraft of WWI]

Conclusion

The T28 Floh was a very interesting concept for a fast fighter at a time where biplanes weren’t yet used in such a role in German service. Its design choices might seem strange now, but they meshed together to create a truly fast aircraft of the time. The design however, was troubled by problems that would see it fail to enter widespread production, and eventually more conventional biplane fighter designs would enter service less than a year after the Floh was built. DFW would eventually produce several conventional biplane fighter prototypes later on in the war in 1917 and 1918, but these all performed very poorly. Aside from having structural problems and a poor field of view, the last of these, the D.II, was in fact slower than the Floh.

Dorner would continue working for DFW designing aircraft. His next project after the Floh would be the much more successful DFW R.I Reisenflugzeug (Giant Aircraft), which would first fly in 1916. Dorner, however, wouldn’t stay with the company to see the completion of this project and its success, as he would move to Hannover Waggonfabrik AG in October of 1916 as their chief designer. Here he would design several successful two-seater aircraft, the CL.I through CL.IV, which saw widespread use during the war. He would survive the war and continue working on civil air projects.

Interestingly, this wouldn’t be the only type of aircraft to share this strange design idea during the war. The Austro-Hungarian Lohner Type AA fighter of 1916 also had similar proportions, with a very tall body and small wings to increase speed. This aircraft would have poor flight performance and would be heavily reworked to resemble the more standard biplanes then entering service.

Variants

  • DFW T28 Floh – The T28 was a small fighter designed to outperform Eindecker aircraft in terms of speed. 1 was built and tested.

Operators

  • German Empire – The T28 Floh was designed for use by the German Empire but wasn’t adopted for service.

DFW T28 Floh Specifications

Wingspan 20 ft 4 in / 6.2 m
Length 14 ft 9 in / 4.3 m
Height 7 ft 6 in / 2.3 m
Wing Area 162 ft² / 15 m²
Engine 1x 100 hp (74.5 kW ) Mercedes D.I engine
Propeller 1x 2-blade wooden propeller
Weights
Empty 926 lb / 420 kg
Loaded 1,433 lb / 650 kg
Maximum Speed 112 mph / 180 kmh
Crew 1 pilot
Armament
  • 1x Machine Gun

Gallery

The DFW Flea – Illustration by Carpaticus

Credits

  • Written by Medicman11
  • Edited by  Ed J. and Henry H.
  • Illustrations by Carpaticus

Sources

  • Green, W. & Swanborough, G. (2002). The complete book of fighters : an illustrated encyclopedia of every fighter aircraft built and flown. London: Salamander.
  • Herris, J. (2017). DFW Aircraft of WWI : a centennial perspective on Great War Airplanes. Charleston, SC: Aeronaut Books.