Tag Archives: Germany

A7He1 (He 112) in Japanese Service

Empire of Japan (1937)
Fighter Aircraft – Number Operated 30

During the war with China, the Japanese Air Forces encountered enemy fighters that were much better than what they currently had in their inventory. As their modern fighters were either under development or only available in limited numbers, they tried to acquire new fighters from aboard.  The options for acquiring such fighters were rather limited, and the Japanese turned to the Germans for a solution. This came in the form of 30 He 112 known in Japanese service as the A7He1.

The He 112 in Japanese service. Source: D. Bernard Heinkel He 112 in Action

A brief He 112 history

Before the Second World War, the Luftwaffe was in need of a new and modern fighter that was to replace the older biplane fighters in service, such as the Arado Ar 68 and Heinkel He 51.  For this reason, in May 1934 the RLM issued a competition for a new and modern fighter plane. While four companies responded to this request, only the designs from Heinkel and Messerschmitt were deemed sufficient. The Heinkel He 112 was a good design that offered generally acceptable flight characteristics and possessed a good basis for further improvements. The Bf 109 on the other hand had slightly better overall flight performance and was much simpler and cheaper to build. Given the fact that the Germans were attempting to accelerate the production of the new fighter, this was seen as a huge advantage over the He 112. Ultimately it would not be accepted for service, and only 100 or so aircraft would be built. These would be mainly sold abroad, with those remaining in Germany used for various testing and evaluation purposes.

He 112 the unsuccessful competitor of the Bf 109. Source: www.luftwaffephotos.com

While the He 112 project was canceled by the RLM, to compensate for the huge investment in resources and time into it, Heinkel was permitted to export this aircraft. A number of countries such as Austria, Japan, Romania, and Finland showed interest, but only a few actually managed to procure this aircraft, and even then, only in limited numbers.

Attempts to make a deal with Japan 

In 1937 a war between Japan and China broke out. While Japan had a better-equipped and more organized army, it faced stiff resistance. The Chinese were supported by the Soviet Union which supplied them with weapons and equipment, including aircraft. These caused huge concern within the Imperial Japanese Navy. Their newest fighters were either present only in small numbers or were still under development. As a temporary solution, IJN officials decided to approach Germany for assistance in the hope of acquiring new fighters.

For this reason, a military delegation was dispatched to Germany in the Autumn of 1937. Despite its later known fame, the German Air Force at that time was still in its early stage of rebuilding and realistically did not have much to offer, being in need of modern fighters themselves.  This would come in the form of the Messerschmitt Me 109. Its competing Heinkel He 112 lost the competition but was allowed to be sold abroad if anyone was interested. It was probably for this reason that the Japanese delegation visited the Heinkel factory at Marienehe. There they had the choice to observe the He 112 V9 aircraft. They were generally satisfied with what they saw and placed an initial order for 30 He 11Bs. If these proved to be as good as they hoped they would be, another, larger order for 100 more aircraft was to be given. As a confirmation of this agreement, the Japanese delegation returned with one He 112 aircraft that was to be used for familiarization and evaluation.

One of the 30 He 112 sold to Japan in 1938, Source: D. Bernard Heinkel He 112 in Action

Naming Scheme

As this aircraft was expected to enter service, it was designated as A7He1 by the IJN. The capital ‘A’ stands as a designation for a fighter. The number ‘7’ represents that this aircraft was to supersede the type 6 designation fighter. He stands for the Heinkel, and lastly the ‘1’ stands for the first variant of this type.  The Allied intelligence services discovered its existence within the IJP and awarded it the code name Jerry. 

Testing In Japan

Four aircraft arrived in 1937, and the last one arrived at the end of 1938. As the first aircraft began to arrive, the IJN began testing the A7He1’s performance in contrast to other fighters that they had in inventory, namely the Mitsubishi A5M2. While the A7He1 proved to be some 65 km/h faster, in other regards such as climbing speed and general maneuverability it proved equal or even worse than the Japanese fighter.  The Japanese were not satisfied with the A7He1 engine which was deemed too complex. These factors ultimately led the commission which examined it to propose that it should not be adopted, nor that any further orders should be given. After the arrival of the last A7He1, the order for an additional 100 aircraft was canceled.

Ultimate Fate 

As the A7He1 was not adopted for service, the IJN had to decide what to do with the 30 aircraft. They still represent a financial investment that could not be simply discarded. Some of these were allocated to various research institutes for future studies and evaluation, the remainder were given to training schools. None were ever used operationally in combat either in China or in the Pacific.

Quite surprisingly given their age and the rather limited numbers that were acquired, a few He1 survived the war and were captured by the Allies. One example was found in Atsugi airfield near Honshu in early October 1945. Unfortunately, the fate of these captured aircraft is not known but they were likely scrapped at some point after the war.

Despite the limited number of acquired aircraft, some of them survived the war and were later captured by the Allies. Source: www.destinationsjourney.com
Another aircraft (on the left) is being photographed by the Allied soldiers. It is possible that it was the same aircraft as in the previous photograph just taken later when it was being scraped. Source: www.destinationsjourney.com

Technical Characteristics

The He 112 was an all-metal single-engine fighter. The monocoque fuselage consisted of a metal base covered by riveted stress metal sheets. The wing was slightly gulled, with the wingtips bending upward, and had the same construction as the fuselage with a combination of metal construction covered in stressed metal sheets.

During its development life, a great number of engines were tested on the He 112. For the main production version, the He 112 B-2, the 700 hp Jumo 210G liquid-cooled engine was used, and some were equipped with the  680 hp Jumo 210E engine. The He 112 had a fuel capacity of 101 liters in two wing-mounted tanks, with a third 115-liter tank placed under the pilot’s seat.

The landing gear was more or less standard in design. They consisted of two larger landing wheels that retracted into the wings and one semi-retractable tail wheel. The He 112 landing gear was wide enough to provide good ground handling and stability during take-off or landing.

The cockpit received a number of modifications. Initially, it was open with a simple windshield placed in front of the pilot. Later models had a sliding canopy that was either partially or fully glazed.

While the armament was changed during the He 112’s production, the last series was equipped with two 7.92 mm MG 17 machine guns and two 2 cm Oerlikon MG FF cannons. The ammunition load for each machine gun was 500 rounds, with 60 rounds each for the cannons. If needed, two bomb racks could be placed under the wings.

Conclusion

While the He 112 was often portrayed as a modern fighter, from the Japanese point of view it proved to be disappointing in any case. While expecting a potentially effective fighter that was better with everything they had, the He 112 proved to be quite the opposite. After the 30 aircraft arrived no further orders were given. This only serves to prove that the old saying the grass is always greener on the other side is correct once in a while.

He 112B-2 Specifications

Wingspans 29  ft 10  in / 9.1 m
Length 30  ft 2 in / 9.22 m
Height 12 ft 7 in  / 3.82  m
Wing Area 180  ft² / 17 m²
Engine One 700 hp Jumo 210G liquid-cooled engine
Empty Weight 3,570  lbs / 1,620 kg
Maximum Take-off Weight 4,960 lbs / 2,250 kg
Climb Rate to 6 km In 10 minutes
Maximum Speed 317 mph / 510 km/h
Cruising speed 300 mph / 484 km/h
Range 715 miles / 1,150 km
Maximum Service Ceiling 31,170 ft / 9,500 m
Crew 1 pilot
Armament
  • Two 20 mm (1.8 in) cannons and two machine guns  7.92 mm (0.31 in) machine guns and 60 kg bombs

 

He 112 v5 as it was tested by Japan

Credits

  • Written by Marko P.
  • Edited by  Henry H.
  • Illustrations by Godzilla

Source:

  • Duško N. (2008)  Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemаčaka. Beograd
  • J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1990) German Aircraft of the Second World War, Putnam
  • D. Monday (2006) The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books
  • D. Bernard (1996) Heinkel He 112 in Action, Signal Publication
  • R.S. Hirsch, U, Feist and H. J. Nowarra (1967) Heinkel 100, 112, Aero Publisher
  • C. Chants (2007) Aircraft of World War II, Grange Books.
  • https://airpages.ru/eng/lw/he112_combat_use.shtml

 

AGO S.I

German Empire (1918)

Armored Ground Attack Aircraft [2 Built]

One of the two AGO S.I, this would be one of the first dedicated “tank busting” aircraft built. (Otto, AGO and BFW Aircraft of WWI)

The AGO S.I was an armored, heavily armed ground attack aircraft designed to fill the requirement for the German Luftstreitkräfte  their S type plane; a dedicated anti-tank ground attack aircraft. Before the end of the war, two of the type were produced, but the war would end before production could begin, nor did the prototypes see service. The aircraft featured a downward facing 20mm Becker cannon which it would use against the thinly armored roofs of tanks.

Tank Troubles and the Search for a Solution

The introduction of the tank in 1916 was a turning point for all modern warfare. The use of the machines to break through barbed wire and enemy trench lines proved itself effective, and as the war dragged on, the number of tanks increased year over year. Germany would use infantry based special weapons such as armor piercing K-bullets in rifles and machine guns, the heavy Tankgewehr m1918 rifle, or artillery bombardment to stop the metal monsters. The Germans would show hesitation in producing their own tanks due to resistance from the German High Command and a lack of industry to produce them in large numbers, but would eventually do so with the Sturmpanzerwagen A7V. The type however, would prove to be riddled with flaws that rendered it able to do little to counter the allied tank numbers. In addition, the A7V would only arrive in 1918, the last year of the war.

A 20mm Becker cannon mounted to the side of an Albatros J.I armored aircraft. This weapon would begin being carried by aircraft late in the war, and was required to be mounted on the S type aircraft. The Becker is known for being the basis of the famous 20mm Oerlikon cannon. (Albatros Aircraft of WWI Volume 3)

Aircraft were never used in a major role to destroy tanks during the war, but the two would encounter each other nonetheless, with German aircraft able to score several victories against them. There seemed to be little interest by the Idflieg in developing aircraft or aerial weapons to be deployed specifically against tanks for the majority of the war, until around the start of 1918. The Idflieg would designate a new type of aircraft, the S type, for a dedicated aircraft meant for ground attack and destroying tanks. The S type anti-tank aircraft was meant to be an armored aircraft with a requirement to mount the 20mm Becker automatic cannon. Armored aircraft themselves weren’t something new within the German Empire, as they were categorized under the J type. These were dedicated armored aircraft and were in use operationally by this point of the war. Some examples included the AEG J.I and Junkers J.I. The Becker Cannon was also in production and had been mounted on various aircraft by this time, mostly by twin engined G types but there were ongoing developments to put the weapon onto a single engine aircraft. The Albatros J.I was one such aircraft and a number would have the cannon mounted on a pintle on the side of the craft, but crews found the weapon placement and pintle mount made the weapon hard to operate and aim. Eventually it was found that this weapon could be most effectively mounted on a single engine aircraft by being placed at an angle inside the hull to fire downward towards the ground. The cannon would be placed this way on the new S types, where it could fire at the thin roofs of tanks. One would think that manufacturers familiar with designing armored aircraft would rise to the occasion, such as Junkers who were at the forefront of developing metal skinned aircraft, or AEG who were producing operational armored aircraft, but surprisingly, it was the the smaller company of AGO that proceeded with developing the only an S type aircraft, and complete it.

The AGO S.I

An example of an AGO C.IV. While this aircraft was AGO’s most produced, it was not liked by its crews due to flight handling and issues with the fuselage. (Otto, AGO and BFW Aircraft of WWI)

AGO Flugzeugwerke was a smaller aircraft manufacturing company in Germany that had found moderate success with its two-seater C type aircraft. The company was known for its C.I, which was the only mass produced single-engine pusher aircraft deployed by Germany in the war, and later, by the C.IV, its most successful aircraft. The C.IV was their most produced aircraft during the war, and the fastest C type at the time of its introduction thanks to its tapered wings, with over 70 being used operationally. Its moderate success however, was overshadowed by a hatred of it by its crews due to issues with its handling and problems arising with the constriction of the fuselage. This disdain for the aircraft would eventually lead to it being removed from service and its production being canceled around September of 1917. Despite this, the company had continued developing their C type aircraft line until 1916. While the S type was a two seater, AGO appears to have no experience with developing an armored aircraft, as all of their previous aircraft were of simple wooden and fabric construction. Development on their own S.I likely began around the time of the creation of the S nomenclature. A patent for the aircraft’s design was filed in July of 1918, showcasing how it’s seating and armor were laid out for the pilot and gunner. Details regarding its development are extremely lacking but it is known that two S.I aircraft were completed by October of 1918. The design was a rather large single-engine aircraft with a boxy fuselage, a consequence of its armor layout. The Becker cannon is known to have never been mounted on the aircraft but accommodations in the design were made, most apparent is the lack of an axle between the wheels. This was done to allow the hull mounted cannon to fire unobstructed. Despite this being done for the cannon, the removal of the axle was almost unseen in this era of aircraft and would become a standard design aspect in the postwar years as aircraft design streamlined. Due to its completion so close to the war’s end, it rarely flew and its performance went undocumented. All development of this aircraft was abruptly brought to a halt a month after the two aircraft were completed due to the war’s end on November 11th. With the signing of the Armistice, all combat aircraft were ordered to be destroyed or transferred, and this is without a doubt the former is the fate the two S.Is met. No further development of the type was allowed after this. The S.I was the last aircraft project AGO would work on before the end of the war.

 

Direct frontal view of the AGO S.I (Otto, AGO and BFW Aircraft of WWI)

Design

The AGO S.I was a conventional biplane designed to fill the role for the S type aircraft. While its specifications aren’t known, the size of the aircraft is evident in the photos that exist that the aircraft was quite large for a single engine aircraft. The fuselage was armored, evident via the angled shape of it. This was done to protect the aircraft in its low level attack runs on the enemy, and would offer protection against small arms fire. According to the patent, the armor was focused in the nose section, surrounding the engine, pilot and gunner positions. An armored plate separated the pilot and gunner’s positions at an angle to accommodate the 20mm cannon. The rear of the fuselage tapered into the tailplane. The two bay wings of the aircraft were large and rectangular in shape. Each bay had two wires going across. Control surfaces of the aircraft were standard, with a large rudder at the back, conventional elevators, and ailerons on the upper wing. At the front was a 260hp (194kW ) Basse und Selve BuS.IV 6-cylinder inline engine that drove a wooden two-blade propeller. This type of engine was often found on larger G type aircraft but the S.I likely had them to bring the heavily armored aircraft into the air. The aircraft would have a fixed landing gear located beneath around where the pilot sat. The aircraft had the unique distinction of having no axle, a feature virtually unseen in aircraft of the era. This was done to allow the hull mounted cannon to fire without having the axle obstructing it. For the extra support, three struts connected each landing gear to the aircraft. Each landing gear had one rubber wheel. At the tail end of the aircraft was a landing skid.

The patent for the armor and gun position in the S.I (Otto, AGO and BFW Aircraft of WWI)

For its armament, the Ago S.I was to have two machine guns; one mounted in the rear for the gunner to use on a flexible mount to fire around the aircraft, and another was likely to be mounted forward for the pilot to use at the front. The centerpiece of the armament was a 20mm Becker Cannon. The cannon would be mounted in the center of the fuselage, directly underneath where the pilot would sit. To fire the gun, the gunner would sit down into the fuselage at a dedicated firing seat in the hull. From here he could operate the weapon and aim at tanks beneath the aircraft.

Conclusion

The AGO S.I was developed too late to see combat and with its performance being unknown its would-be impact on enemy tanks is likewise unknown. Despite this, it represents one of the very first instances of an aircraft built with the destruction of enemy armor in mind, a role that would continue to develop into the Second World War, with aircraft like the Henschel Hs 129, Ilyushin Il-2, and further even until today with the Fairchild A-10 Thunderbolt II.

Interestingly, a month before the two S.Is were completed, 20 of the aforementioned AEG J.II armored aircraft would be delivered with the Becker Cannon mounted in their hull similar to how it would be in the S.I for use against tanks. It is not known whether these aircraft saw combat or how they performed with the modifications.

Although the effectiveness of tank busting aircraft of WW2 has been debated in recent years, the AGO S.I would have several benefits going for it during the First World War. The tanks of this era were slow, and the Mark V tanks the S.I would no doubt encounter would have a top speed of 5mph, making the tanks a fairly easy target for S types. The Mark V also had considerably less armor then later tanks, with a meager 8mm of armor plate for the roofs, making these vehicles easier to damage if the aircraft’s gunner managed to hit it. However, being able to hit tanks was still quite a difficult task to accomplish, and with performance figures not currently being known for the S.I, it can only be debated as to how well it would perform its role.

After being shut down in 1919, AGO Flugzeugwerke would be brought back by the Nazi Government and would produce aircraft once more. The AGO Ao 192 seen here is one of the few original products the company would produce.

AGO Flugzeugwerke would only survive for less then a year after the First World War, its founder attempting to instead shift their production into automobiles, but they would not find success and would close the production facilities down. Despite this, two decades later the Nazi government would reconstitute AGO for aircraft production once more in 1934, and would bring the company back to life. They would mostly produce aircraft from other companies in preparation for the encroaching war, but AGO would have their own design bureau and would work on a select number of their own designs, like the AGO Ao 192 twin engine transport plane.

Variants

 

  • AGO S.I – Armored two-bay biplane design with an armored fuselage and a focus on attacking enemy armor. It was equipped with 2x machineguns and 1 20mm Becker Cannon. 2 built

 

Operators

 

  • German Empire – The AGO S.I was meant to serve the Reichsluftkreite in a ground attack & tank destroying role but arrived too late to see service in the war.

AGO S.I Specifications

Engine 1x 260 hp ( 194kW ) Basse und Selve BuS.IV 6-cylinder inline engine
Propeller 1x 2-blade wooden propeller
Crew 1 Pilot

1 Gunner

Armament
  • 1x 20mm Becker Cannon
  • 2x machine guns (1 forward, 1 rear mounted)

Gallery

Sources

Herris, Jack. Otto, AGO, and BFW Aircraft of WWI: A. 2019.

Weird Wings of WWI: Adventures in Early Combat Aircraft Development. 2023.

Herris, Jack. Development of German Warplanes in WWI: A Centennial Perspective on Great War Airplanes and Seaplanes. 2012.

B. David, Sturmpanzerwagen A7V.https://tanks-encyclopedia.com/ww1/germany/sturmpanzerwagen_a7v.php

Stiltzkin. Effectiveness of Tactical Air Strikes in World War II – “Tank busting”. https://tanks-encyclopedia.com/articles/tactics/tank-busting-ww2.php

 

He 112 in Hungarian Service

Hungarian Flag Kingdom of Hungary (1938)
Fighter Aircraft – 4 aircraft operated

Despite being not adopted for service by the German Luftwaffe, the He 112 had great potential as an export aircraft. Spain, Romania, and Japan were some of the countries that got their hands on fighter aircraft. Hungary, with its close ties to Germany, also wanted this fighter in its inventory, though it was not to be. Unfortunately for them, despite their efforts, only a few of these aircraft would ever see service with their Air Force. This was mainly due to the reluctance of Germany to provide the necessary parts and licenses, and the start of the Second World War. The few aircraft that did reach Hungary were mainly used for crew training and even saw limited combat use.

One of few He 112 in Hungarian service. Source: www.destinationsjourney.com

A brief He 112 history

Prior to the Second World War, the Luftwaffe was in need of a new and modern fighter to replace the older biplanes that were in service, such as the  Arado Ar 68 and Heinkel He 51.  For this reason, in May 1934, the RLM issued a competition for a new, modern fighter plane. While four companies responded to this request, only the designs from Heinkel and Messerschmitt were deemed sufficient. The Heinkel He 112 was a good design that offered generally acceptable flight characteristics and possessed a good foundation for further improvements. The Bf 109 on the other hand, had slightly better overall flight performance and was much simpler and cheaper to build. Given the fact that the Germans were attempting to accelerate the production of the new fighter, that alone was seen as a huge advantage over the He 112. Ultimately it would not be accepted for service, and only 100 or so aircraft would be built. These would be mainly sold abroad, with those remaining in Germany being used for various testing and evaluation purposes.

He 112 the unsuccessful competitor of the Bf 109. Source: www.luftwaffephotos.com

While the He 112 project was canceled by the RLM, to compensate for the huge investment in resources, Heinkel was permitted to export this aircraft.  A number of countries such as Austria, Japan, Romania, and Finland showed interest, but only a few actually managed to procure this aircraft, and even then, only in limited numbers.

Hungarian Interest in the He 112

Being that it was on the losing side of the First World War, the Hungarians were in a similar situation to Germany in regard to military restrictions under the Treaty of Versailles. Crucially, it prohibited the Hungarians from developing their air forces. In time though, the Allies became less and less involved in maintaining the Treaty, and the Hungarians began slowly rebuilding their air force.  By 1938 the  Magyar Királyi Honvéd Légierő MKHL (English: Royal Hungarian Home Defence Air Force) was openly presented to the world. At that time, the Hungarians undertook steps to rebuild their armed forces in the hope of reclaiming some of their lost territories. For a modern air force, they needed better fighter designs, as their aged biplanes would not be sufficient. By 1938, they had improved their relations with Germany, and it was then possible to acquire new equipment from them.

The Hungarian military delegation that was in Spain during the civil war observed the relatively new Heinkel He 112 fighter in action and immediately became interested in it. In June 1938, a military group disguised as a civilian delegation visited Heinkel’s company. Three Hungarian pilots had the chance to flight test the He 112V9 aircraft. They were highly impressed and urged the Hungarian Army officials to adopt this aircraft. Unsurprisingly, based on the glowing report, the Hadügyminisztérium (Ministry of War Affairs) asked Heinkel for 36 such aircraft.

Unfortunately for them, Heinkel never actually put the He 112 into mass production, given the fact that it was not adopted for service with the German Air Force. It did, however, build a small series that was intended for Spain and Japan. The Hungarian offer was not considered as important, and thus no aircraft would be delivered to them. The Reichsluftfahrtministerium RLM (English: German Ministry of Aviation) also intentionally delayed the delivery of weapons to Hungary. This was done to politically and economically pressure the Hungarians and Romanians who were on the brink of war at that time, in an attempt to reduce tensions.

Still, the Hungarians persisted, and at the start of 1939, they requested again for the 36 aircraft, and once again, the Germans denied this request. However, a single He 112 V9 was given to Hungary and was used for flight testing near Budapest. On the 5th of February 1939, it crashed during a test flight against a CR-32 biplane fighter.  In March 1939, another aircraft was sent to Hungary, this one being a He 112 B-1. It was extensively tested by the Hungarians who generally liked its design.

The He 112 V9 was lost in an accident during its first test flight. Source: D. Bernard Heinkel He 112 in Action

As the Romanians acquired a batch of 24 He 112 In 1939, the Hungarians were concerned over their neighbor’s growing military strength. Realizing that the Germans would not deliver the promised aircraft, they decided to ask for a production license instead. This was granted, and Heinkel also delivered two more He 112 B-1 with the Jumo 210E engine. When the license document arrived in Hungary in May 1939, a production order for the 12 first aircraft was given to the Weiss Manfréd aircraft manufacturer. Several changes were made, including the installation of 8 mm 39.M machine guns and the addition of bombing racks. In addition, the original 2 cm cannons were to be replaced by the Hungarian, domestically built, Danuvla 39, though it is unclear if any were actually installed. As the preparation for the production was underway the three available He 112 were adopted to service. This received coded designation V.301 to 303 where the V stands for Vadász (English: Fighter).

The B-series was in many aspects a complete redesign of the previous series. Including the introduction of a new tail unit, and part of the fuselage, to name a few. Source: www.luftwaffephotos.com

Despite the best Hungarian attempts to put the He 112 in production, the situation was made impossible by the coming war between Poland and Germany. The RLM would officially prohibit the export of any German aircraft engines and equipment at the start of the war. This meant that the vital delivery of the Jumo 210 and DB 601 engines could not be made. Based on this fact, all work on the Hungarian He 112 was canceled. Instead,  Weiss Manfréd investigated to see if it could reuse most of the He 112 production line to produce a new domestic design named WM–23 Ezüst Nyíl (English: Silver arrow). While one prototype was built it was lost in an accident which ended the project.

The WM–23 Ezüst Nyíl prototype. Source: www.destinationsjourney.com
The V.303 during pilot training in 1940. Source: www.destinationsjourney.com
Despite their best efforts, the Hungarians managed to operate only three He 112 (not including the single aircraft last way back in Budapest) Source: www.destinationsjourney.com

In Combat

In the Summer of 1940, the rising tension between Romania and Hungary over Transylvania reached a critical point. Transylvania was once part of Hungary but was lost after the First World War when it was given to Romania. By 1940, the Hungarian Army began preparing for a possible war with Romania over the territory. As neither side was willing to enter a hastily prepared war, negotiations began to find a possible solution. But despite this, there were some minor skirmishes, and Hungarian aircraft made several reconnaissance flights over Romania. The three Hungarian He 112 were stationed near the border, and the Romanians also had some He 112 in their inventory. While the Hungarian He 112’s did take up to the sky, no combat action by them was reported. Ultimately, at the end of August, Romania asked Germany to arbitrate the issue regarding the disputed territory, With Hungary being given the northern part of Transylvania in the settlement.

During the Axis invasion of Yugoslavia in April 1940, Hungary once again mobilized its He 112s. These were stationed near the border with Yugoslavia but they were not used in any combat operations.

By the time the Axis attacked the Soviet Union in June 1941 all three He 112 were used as training aircraft, with their secondary role being to protect the Weiss Manfréd factory. Due to a lack of spare parts, there was no point in sending this aircraft to the frontline. Two aircraft were involved in a landing accident where they were damaged. While their final fate is not completely clear, they may have been destroyed in 1944 when the Allies intensified their bombing campaign against Hungary. It is unlikely that the He 112s were operational at this point.

The V.301 had an accident where the pilot forgot to activate the landing gear. This is not surprising given that most pilots at that time mainly flaw on the older biplanes that had fixed landing gear. Source: www.destinationsjourney.com
In the Summer of 1941 the V.303 was damaged during a landing where the left landing gear wheel simply broke off. Source: www.destinationsjourney.com

Technical Characteristics

The He 112 was an all-metal, single-engine fighter. The monocoque fuselage consisted of a metal base covered by riveted stress metal sheets. The wing was slightly gulled, with the wingtips bending upward, but otherwise had a conventional construction.

During its development life, a great number of different engines were tested on the He 112. For the main production version, the He 112 B-2, it carried a 700 hp Jumo 210G liquid-cooled engine, with some others being equipped with the  680 hp Jumo 210E engine. The He 112 had a fuel capacity of 101 liters in two wing-mounted tanks, with a third 115-liter tank placed under the pilot’s seat.

The landing gear was more or less standard in design. It consisted of two larger landing wheels that retracted into the wings and one semi-retractable tail wheel. The He 112 landing gear was wide enough to provide good ground handling and stability during take-off or landing.

The cockpit received a number of modifications. Initially, it was open with a simple windshield placed in front of the pilot, with Later models having a sliding canopy.

The armament was changed throughout the He 112’s production, and the last series was equipped with two 7.92 mm MG 17 machine guns and two 2 cm MG FF cannons. The ammunition load for each machine gun was 500, with 60 rounds for each of the cannons. If needed, two bomb racks could be placed under the wings.

Conclusion

The He 112, although few in number, provided the Hungarian Air Force with one of its first modern fighter aircraft. Despite the Hungarian attempts to acquire over 30 aircraft from Germany, this was never achieved. In the end, the Hungarians only had three operational He 112, and one  was lost in an accident during testing. While these were stationed on the front line on two occasions they never saw actual combat action. By 1941 due to a lack of spare parts, they were allocated for training purposes. The Hungarians eventually got a production license for the Messerschmitt Bf 109G making the few available He 112 unnecessary.

 

He 112B-1 Specifications

Wingspans 29  ft 10  in / 9.1 m
Length 30  ft 2 in / 9.22 m
Height 12 ft 7 in  / 3.82  m
Wing Area 180  ft² / 17 m²
Engine One r 680 hp Jumo 210E  liquid-cooled engine
Empty Weight 3,570  lbs / 1,620 kg
Maximum Take-off Weight 4,960 lbs / 2,250 kg
Climb Rate to 6 km In 10 minutes
Maximum Speed 317 mph / 510 km/h
Cruising speed 300 mph / 484 km/h
Range 715 miles / 1,150 km
Maximum Service Ceiling 31,170 ft / 9,500 m
Crew 1 pilot
Armament
  • Two 20 mm (1.8 in) cannons and two machine guns 8 mm (0.31 in) machine guns and 60 kg bombs

Credits

  • Article written by Marko P.
  • Edited by  Henry H.
  • Ported by Marko P.
  • Illustrated By Godzilla

Illustrations

Source:

  • Duško N. (2008)  Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemаčaka. Beograd
  • G. Punka (1994) Hungarian Air Force, Squadron Publication
  • J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1990) German Aircraft of the Second World War, Putnam
  • D. Monday (2006) The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books
  • D. Bernard (1996) Heinkel He 112 in Action, Signal Publication
  • R.S. Hirsch, U, Feist and H. J. Nowarra (1967) Heinkel 100, 112, Aero Publisher
  • C. Chants (2007) Aircraft of World War II, Grange Books
  • S. Renner. (2016) Broken Wings The Hungarian Air Force, 1918-45, Indiana University Press

 

Si-204E

Siebel 204

Nazi flag Nazi Germany (1940)
Light Transport and Trainer – Number built: 1,175

While often seen as less exciting than their combat counterparts, transport and auxiliary aircraft provided vital services in moving cargo, and training new pilots. Light transports which could combine both duties were thus extremely desirable during the war as theaters stretched across continents and pilot attrition was high. Luckily for the Luftwaffe, the Siebel company provided them with a simple but effective aircraft that could easily fulfill both roles. This was the Si 204, which saw wide-scale use both during, and after, the conflict.

The Si 204. Source: www.airwar.ru/

Siebel company history

The story of  Siebel began back in 1936 when Hans Klemm opened a new aircraft factory the,  Flugzeugbau Halle GmbH.  This company would go on to produce license-built aircraft, including the Focke-Wulf Fw 44, and Heinkel He 46. Between 1936 and 1937, a new project led by Hans Klemm was initiated. This was a light twin-engined transport aircraft designated as Fh 104. While the work was going on, Klemm decided to hand over the factory to well-known aircraft enthusiast Fritz W. Siebel. The same year the name was changed to Siebel Flugzeugwerke Halle GmbH. Under new management, the work on the renamed Siebel Fh 104 continued. The Siebel Fh 104 would prove to be a solid design and was pressed into Luftwaffe service as a communication and liaison aircraft. In 1942 the production of this aircraft was terminated, by which time only some 46 were built. The Siebel factory would survive the war and even produce a few new aircraft designs. It would continue to exist up to 1968 when it was merged with Messerschmitt-Bolkow GmbH.

The first aircraft to come out of the o Siebel Flugzeugwerke production was the Siebel Fh 104 Source: hwww.armedconflicts.com

The Siebel 204 

Following the success of the Fh 104, Siebel received a request from the Luftwaffe officials in 1939 to design and build a new twin-engine, 8-passenger transport aircraft.  So Siebel and his team of engineers began working on such a design. While they may have used the experience gained while working on the Fh 104, their next project was a completely new design. The first prototype Si 204 V1 (D-AEFR) was completed in early 1940, and was flight tested on the 25th of May the same year. Sources disagree about the year when the maiden flight was made. For example, D. Nešić and M. Fratzke mentioned that it happened in 1941 while M. Griel placed it in 1940. The test flight proceeded without any major issues, so the development of this aircraft carried on. In October 1940 the Si 204 V2 (D-IMCH) was flight tested. Both of these would serve as bases for the pre-production A-0 series which were to be operated by the German Lufthansa airline. The first prototype was scrapped in 1942 while the second remained in use up to early 1944 when it was lost in an accident.

Following its successful testing, the first production version known as Si 204A was built. It was powered by two 360 hp, or 465 hp depending on the source, Argus As 410 engines. The Si 204A-0 and A-1 were put into production in 1941, the precise numbers are not clear but were likely limited. As the war dragged on these were mainly used for crew training, a role to which they proved well suited.

The Luftwaffe was generally satisfied with the Si 204A’s performance as a trainer but requested that a new version of it be built. This version was dedicated to various crew training tasks including; radio navigation, instrument flying, bombing, and communication. Other requests were made regarding its front canopy design and stronger power units. For this reason, the engines were replaced with two  600-hp Argus As 411 12-cylinder engines. Additionally, the original stepped canopy was replaced with a fully glazed canopy.

The new version was to be designated Si 204D. The fate of the skipped B and C versions is unclear, but these were likely only paper projects.  The Si 204V3 and V4 served as bases for the Si 204D aircraft. Both were flight tested in early 1941, withhe V3 being lost in an accident during mid-1942 while the fate of the V4 is not known.

Technical characteristics

The Si 204 was designed as a low-wing, twin-engine, all-metal transport, and training aircraft. Its fuselage was made of round-shaped formers each connected with a series of metal bars. These were covered with sheet metal plating. On the fuselage sides, there were four rectangular windows.

The wings and tail units were also of an all-metal construction. The wings were built using only a single spar. The dihedral tailplane was divided into two fins and rudders, which were located on their tips.

In the last months of the war, due to shortages of resources, Siebel attempted to replace some metal components using wooden materials. The end of the war prevented any of these wooden components from ever being used.

The pilot and his assistant were positioned in the front. As many German bombers had a fully glazed canopy, to help with the training and adaptation of new pilots, the Si 204 was also equipped with such a designed canopy. It largely resembled the one used on the He 111. Thanks to it the pilot had an excellent view during the flight.

As mentioned earlier, Si 204D was powered by two 600 hp Argus As 411 12-cylinder engines, these used two variable pitch blade propellers. The maximum speed achieved with these engines was around 364 km/h. With a fuel load of 1.090 liters, the maximum operational range was around 1.800 km.

The landing gear was more or less a standard design. It consisted of three wheels. The landing gear retracted back into the engine nacelles. These were not fully enclosed and part of the wheels was exposed. The tail wheel was not retractable.

While initially designed as a passenger transport aircraft, the Si 204 would be primarily used for crew training. For this reason, its interior compartment could be equipped with different training equipment depending on the need. Including radio, radar, or navigation equipment.

The Siebel 204D side view. Its overall design is quite similar to the German he 111 bombers. Source: www.airwar.ru
Siebel pilot cockpit interior. The pilot and his assistant had an excellent view of the surrounding thank to the large glazed cockpit. Source: www.airwar.ru
The Siebel 204D had standard landing gear. The two front wheels retracted back into the engine nacelles. These were not fully enclosed and part of the wheels was exposed. Source: www.airwar.ru

Production

Despite being Siebel’s own design, the factory itself lacked production capabilities as it was already heavily involved in the manufacturing of other designs including the Ju 88. The actual production was redistributed to two occupied foreign factories. The first were the SNCAC factories located in Fourchambault and Bourges in France, which came under German control after the successful end of the Western Campaign in 1940. The second production center was located at the  Czechoslovakian Aero factory, which was also occupied by the Germans even before the war started. Other companies like BMM and Walter were also involved in the production of this aircraft.

The production numbers were initially low, for example, the SNCAC only managed to build five aircraft per month during 1942. From 1942 to 1944 this company produced some 150 Si 204D aircraft. Czechoslovakian production capabilities proved to be better, managing to manufacture some 1007 such aircraft by the end of the war. The total production of all versions during the war is around 1.175 aircraft according to H. A. Skaarup. This number, as is the case with many German production numbers, may be different in other sources.

Service

As mentioned earlier the Si 204 was mainly used for crew training for various roles, transportation, and glider towing. While there is quite limited information on their precise service life, it appears to be quite a successful design and was praised by the Luftwaffe pilots. By the end of the war, some were even equipped with various radar equipment including FuG 217R and FuG 218V2R tail warning radars to train night fighter pilots. Interestingly the Si 204 was employed for the training of further Me 262 pilots.

It is often mentioned that the Si 204 was the last Luftwaffe aircraft to be shot down. Near Rodach in Bavaria, just a day before the Germans capitulated to the Allies. That kill is accredited to Lieutenant K. L. Smith, a pilot of a P-38 Lightning from the 474th Fighter Group. How valid this claim is difficult to know precisely due to the general chaotic state in Germany at that time.

During its service life, the Si 204 proved to be an effective aircraft, completely suited for its designated role. Source:www.airwar.ru

Combat adaptation attempts

For fighting against Partisan movements in occupied Europe, older or modified aircraft were often reused, preserving the more modern aircraft for the front line use.  The Si 204 was seen as tempting for such a  modification, so the Siebel engineers tried to develop a fully armed combat version of this aircraft. To fulfill this role some extensive modifications were needed.

Inside its front fuselage, two 13 mm MG 131 heavy machine guns were placed. Each was supplied with 500 rounds of ammunition, stored in a metal ammunition bin. These were to be operated by the pilot. For this reason, he was provided with a Revi 16A-type gun sight. For protection against enemy aircraft, on top of the fuselage, a fully glazed turret armed with one 13 mm MG 131 was added. The turret movement was electrically controlled. Elevation was -10 to +80 while it could achieve a full 360 rotation.

The interior of the Si 204 received a bombing bay that could carry 12 70 kg bombs. External bomb racks with a capacity ranging from 50 to 500 kg were added. The pilot seat received armor plates for his protection from enemy fire on the Si 204E.  Due to its relatively slow speed, using this aircraft against a well equipped enemy was dangerous, so it was to be restricted to night bombing action only.

In 1944 two prototypes were completed and tested. Besides these two, the number of Si 204E’s built is unknown. Given its experimental nature, possibly only a few prototypes were ever completed. Allegedly these saw limited action fighting the Belarusian Partisans. The extent to which they were used in this role if used at all, remains unknown.

The Siebel 204E could be easily distinguished by its glazed turret, located on the fuselage top. This version is somewhat obscure as it is not known how many were built and if they ever saw action in combat. Source: www.silverhawkauthor.com

Carrier proposal

With the Allies slowly getting the upper hand in the air over Europe, the Luftwaffe became ever more desperate to find a solution to this problem. Mass production of cheap fighters was seen as a possible solution. One such project was proposed by Professor Alexander Lippisch, best known for designing a series of glider fly-wing designs. He was also involved in designing various bizarre aircraft projects, including the unusual  P 13a  aircraft.

A drawing of Professor Alexander Lippisch P 13a fighter. Source: D. Sharp Luftwaffe Secret Jets of the Third Reich

While working on the P 13, Lippish was approached with a request from a group of students from Darmstadt and Munich universities who wanted to avoid conscription to join his work. Lippisch agreed to this and dispatched one of his assistants under the excuse that for his own project, a wooden glider was to be built and tested. They together managed to build an experimental  DM-1 glider.. However, this aircraft was not to be towed like any other glider. Instead, the DM-1 was to be placed above the Si 201 on brackets and carried.  However, nothing came of this project, and no such attempt at deploying the glider was made as the war ended.

Professor Alexander Lippisch’s work involved designing unusual and unorthodox aircraft designs including the Li DM 1. Source: Professor Alexander Lippisch’s work involved designing unusual and unorthodox aircraft designs including the Li DM 1. Source: www.fiddlersgreen.net

After the war

When the war ended, the Si 204 would see more service in the hands of many other nations. The advancing Allies managed to capture a number of fully operational aircraft. These were immediately put to use either as transport, liaison, and evaluation purposes. At least one Si 204D was extensively used by the British pilot Captain Eric Brown, who was the chief test pilot of the Royal Aircraft Establishment at Farnborough. He was involved in a British project tasked with taking over German war research installations and interrogating technical personnel after the war.

He was generally impressed with the Si 204D’s overall performance, performing many flights on it. He later wrote about its performance. “The Si 204D was really a viceless airplane to handle, with inherently good stability about all three axes and good harmony of control. It was very well equipped for its tasks, and the later model I flew had an autopilot fitted. Like all German aircraft of that era, it was a mass of electrics, with extensive circuit breaker panels, and all very reliable.  However, the one thing the Germans never got right was wheel brakes, and the Sievel was no exception..”

A group of six or more Si 204 was captured by the Allies. Source: www.asisbiz.com

The Siebels that were moved to Farnborough were extensively used during 1945 for various roles, like communication, providing navigational guidance, and transporting pilots to various captured Luftwaffe airfields. The last operational flight of the Si 204D at this base was recorded at the start of 1946.

After the war, the Si 204 saw the most common use in French and Czechoslovakia, which actually continued to produce this aircraft. In French service, these were known t as NC 700, powered with As 411 engines, NC 701 ‘Martinet’, powered by two Renault 12S  engines, and NC 702,  a modified version of the Si 204A. In total the French constructed over 300 aircraft of this type. Some would see service in French Asian and African colonies. The last operational flight was carried out in 1964. Two NC 702’s would be given to Maroko in 1960, but their use and fate is unknown.

After the war, the French sold 7 NC 701 to Poland. They were used mainly for mapping photography. These were operated until the mid-1950s’ before being put out of service.

By mid-1960 some 5 French-built Siebels were given to the Swedish National Geographic Institut. These were mainly used for taking meteorological photographs.

The second country that produced the Si 204 was Czechoslovakia. They were built in two versions, the C-3 for the army and C-103 for civilian use. Both were mainly operated in their original transport roles. From 1945 to 1950 some 179 would be built.

The Soviets also managed to capture an unknown number of operational Si 204. These were briefly pressed into service before being replaced by domestic-built designs.

Switzerland also operated at least one Si 204D. This aircraft and its crew escaped from Germany on the 7th of May 1945 and landed at Belp near Bern. The Si 204D  would remain in Switz use under the B-3 designation.

Soviets operated an unknown number of Si 204. Their use was brief as it was replaced with new Soviet-built designs. Source: www.armedconflicts.com
During late 1945 and early 1946 the Si 204 were used by the Western Allies for transport and evaluation. Source: www.airwar.ru

Production Versions

  • Si 204 –  Prototype series
  • Si 204A – Transport and training version built in small numbers
  • Si 204B and C – Unknown fate, but likely paper projects only
  • Si 204D – Model with a new glazed cockpit and powered with a stronger engine
  • 204E – Experimental modification for combat operational use
  • Flying carrier – One Si 204 was to be modified as a carrier for the Doctor Alexander Lippisch experimental all-wing fighter, but was never fully implemented

Operators

  • Germany – Most produced planes were used by the Luftwaffe primarily used for crew training
  • Czechoslovakia – Produced some 179 additional aircraft for military and civilian use
  • France –  Over 300 modified aircraft (with French engines) were produced in France and saw wide service up to 1964.
  • Soviet Union –Operated some captured  Si 204
  • Poland – Brought 7  NC.701 from France after the war
  • Macoro – Operated two French NC 702
  • Sweden –  Operated five French-built Siebels
  • Switzerland – Used at least one Si 204 under the designation B-3
  • American and Great Britain – Both briefly operated a number of captured Si 204 after the war

Surviving aircraft

Today there are a number of partially or wholly survived aircraft Si 204. For example, the French Aviation Museum in Paris had one Si 204A and another located in the Escadrille du Souvenir close to Paris. One Si 204 is located at Sweden Lygvapen Museum.

Conclusion

While Germany in the Second World is better known for designing and producing a series of combat aircraft, their auxiliary aircraft are often overlooked. The Si 204 was one such case, despite its successful design, it is rather poorly documented in the sources. Its design was a success which can be seen in its after-war use, most notably by the French up to the mid-1960.

 

Si 204 D Specifications
Wingspans 21.33 m / 70 ft
Length 12 m / 39 ft 3 in
Height 4.25 m / 14 ft
Wing Area 46 m² / 495 ft²
Engines Two Argus As 411 engines
Empty Weight 1.500 kg / 3.300 lbs
Maximum Takeoff Weight 3950 kg / 8,710 lbs
Climb Rate to 1 km In  3 minute  30 seconds
Maximum Speed 364 km/h / 226 mph
Cruising speed 340 km/h / 210 mph
Range 1,800 km / 1,120 miles
Maximum Service Ceiling 7,500 m /  24,600 ft
Crew Pilot and his assistants plus eight-passenger
Armament
  • None

Illustrations

Si-204D
Si-204D
Si-204E
Si-204E

Credits

  • Article written by Marko P.
  • Edited by  Henry H. & Stan L.
  • Ported by Marko P.
  • Illustrated By Ed Jackson

 

Sources

  • D. Nešić (2008), Naoružanje Drugog Svetskog Rata Nemačka Beograd
  • H. A. Skaarup (2012) Axis Warplane Survivors
  • D. Mondey (2006). The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books.
  • D. Donald (1998) German Aircraft Of World War II, Blitz Publisher
  • J. R Smith and A. L. Kay (1972) German Aircraft of the Second World War, Putnam
  • Jean-Denis G.G. Lepage (2009), Aircraft Of The Luftwaffe 1935-1945, McFarland & Company Inc
  • Captain E. ‘Winkle’ Brown (2010) Wings of the Luftwaffe, Hikoki Publication
  • M. Griehl (2012) X-Planes German Luftwaffe Prototypes 1930-1945, Frontline books
  • T. H. Hitchcock (1998) Jet Planes Of The Reich The Secret projects, Monogram Aviation Publication
  • M. Frazke Siebel Fh 104/Si 204, Flugzeug Profile

 

Focke-Wulf Ta 152H

Nazi flag Nazi Germany (1945)

Fighter: Approximately 60 built

A Ta 152H undergoing compass calibration. (flugrevue)

Introduction:

Throughout the Second World War, the job of the interceptor would become ever more challenging. Their targets, mostly bombers and photo reconnaissance aircraft, would fly ever higher and faster thanks to new advancements in turbo and supercharging. With Germany under a state of permanent siege and surveillance by aircraft like the Boeing B-17 and De Havilland Mosquito, it was clear the Luftwaffe needed a specialized interceptor to effectively reach these high flying threats and the multitude of new fighters that were appearing in growing numbers. After several failed attempts to develop the Fw 190 into such an interceptor, Kurt Tank designed the Ta 152H. The short lived design incorporated all of the available developments in high altitude flight available to German aviation in an attempt to create the ultimate high altitude fighter.

High altitude threats and Interceptors

In the summer of 1941, the Mosquito was making its first reconnaissance sorties and becoming one of the gravest threats to German aerial defenses. Operating above 7km and capable of reaching speeds upwards of 560 km/h, the aircraft was almost untouchable after it had reached its destination. Once they had taken their photos, they turned for home and entered a shallow dive that allowed them to accelerate to speeds beyond those of pursuing fighters who were not already chasing them from a higher altitude. With such a small interception window, they were a chief concern to the Luftwaffe. Doubly so were the bomber variants of the aircraft, which raided targets all over North Western Europe.

The following year saw the entrance of the United States into the Second World War, their air force possessing some of the most capable high altitude aircraft at the time. Investments in engine turbocharging allowed them to field a number of bombers and fighters with exceptional high altitude performance. B-17’s were conducting regular operations above 7 km. At first, they undertook operations at significantly lower altitudes, never straying too far from their air bases in southern England, but it was becoming clear that they would soon pose a threat that the Luftwaffe was ill equipped to combat.

The De Havilland Mosquito was quickly recognized as a serious threat not long after its introduction. Photorecon versions, like this later Mk XVI here, could surveil Germany with little fear of interception. (wikimedia)

The only two fighters of consequence employed by the Luftwaffe, the Bf 109 and Fw 190, were effective low to medium altitude fighters. However, through 1942, both were operating with engine power restrictions, and supercharger related performance bottlenecks. While inferior alloys and lubricants were causing a variety of issues, that was less of a concern than the engines themselves not being designed for use at high altitudes. The Bf 109G’s DB 605A, with its variable single stage blower, provided a full throttle height of roughly 6.5 km, depending on the variant. The Fw 190’s BMW 801, with its significantly simpler, single stage, double speed supercharger, was even worse off. Its critical altitude was only roughly 6 km, leaving it, and the 109, distinctly lacking in power at the over 7.5km B-17’s often flew at. Above these altitudes, neither engine could maintain the manifold pressure needed for combat power, putting them at a distinct disadvantage in trying to catch the Mosquito, or fighting American high altitude fighters which were soon making forays into German airspace. As the USAAF began its strategic bombing campaign against Germany proper, there were deep concerns within the Luftwaffe about the battle they were soon to fight, and for which they were clearly technically unprepared for. Even more concerning was the fear that the RAF would soon be operating the Vickers Wellington V bomber, which was reportedly capable of operating at an almost untouchable altitude of 12 km. They never entered service, but were the impetus for the creation of a specialized high altitude fighter with the Höhenjäger program.

With these anxieties building, the RLM convened a conference on the development of high altitude fighters on May 20, 1942 at Messerschmitt’s plant in Augsburg. In addition to the high altitude British bomber, further concerns were spelled out over the recent study of the new Merlin 61 engine, which, with its two stage, two speed supercharger, promised to make the Spitfire and Mosquito even more challenging opponents at high altitude. Of particularly grave concern was that the German aviation industry could not simply follow the same development path as the Allies. The poor qualities of their available alloys and the inadequate supplies of high octane fuels meant that even, if they had a factory furnished with all the tools to manufacture an engine like the Merlin 61, they simply could not build or operate it with the materials at hand.

As such, they had to pursue less conventional means of improving performance. Messerchmitt proposed a redesign of a former naval fighter proposal for high altitude use. The Me 155 carrier based fighter design, with its very long wingspan, was proposed to be converted for high altitude use, the work being done mostly at the S.N.C.A.N plant in Paris. The design would later be taken up and heavily altered by Blohm & Voss, who went on to design the Bv 155, with turbochargers and GM-1 nitrous boosting. Neither design came to fruition. A secondary design, the Bf 109H, would involve stretching the wingspan of a Bf 109F, and later G, and installing the high altitude GM-1 engine boost system. Likewise, this design was not pursued. In the end, Messerschmitt would go on to design a mass production, high altitude variant of their standard Bf 109G with a pressurized cockpit and nitrous boosting. While it would prove fairly adequate for the time, it was held back by the need for GM-1, which was difficult to transport in large quantities without a pipeline.

Focke-Wulf would face an even greater challenge with their program. While their Fw 190 was proving to be among the best medium altitude fighters of the war, its short wingspan and outdated supercharger meant it would take a considerable effort to make a high altitude fighter out of it.

The Höhenflieger Fw 190

Focke-Wulf first pursued turbocharging to get their fighter to reach the adequate level of performance for the Höhenjäger project. Almost immediately, they ran into the issue that it was almost impossible to fit a suitable turbocharger into a Fw 190A, though an externally mounted, and almost completely unwieldy unit was suggested. The first serious effort came with the proposal for the Fw 190B fighter, or Höhenjäger 1, in August of 1942. The design would take the then in production Fw 190A-3, increase its wingspan from 10.5 to 12.4 meters (increasing its area from 18.3 to 20.3 m^2), and install a pressurized canopy. The engine was initially unmodified and nitrous boosting was not pursued, in the hope a suitable turbocharger would be developed. The prototype, Fw 190V-12, began testing, but was abandoned in favor of using older, pre-production Fw 190A-0 prototypes before moving on to pre-production. The Fw 190B-0 received the new BMW 801 D-2 and several other modifications going into the new A-5 fighter. It began testing in December of 1942, and despite some faults with the pressurized canopy, which were later corrected, the aircraft had considerably better high altitude handling than the original A model. All four of the A-0’s were converted, but the program showed little promise. Despite the effort, the improvements were not enough and the aircraft was still too slow at high altitude. It was clear that the aircraft needed a heavily modified, or entirely different engine, in order to attain the level of performance needed.

Perhaps the most promising development for the next generation of the Fw 190, the C series, hoped to install a much more powerful DB 603 engine. Harsh teething issues and limited supplies for the engine doomed the project. (grafiq)

In parallel with the B-project, the decision was made to re-engine the aircraft with either the Junkers Jumo 213, or Daimler Benz’s DB 603. Both promised better high altitude performance over the BMW 801 along with a considerable overall increase in engine output. The DB 603 project would proceed with the designation Fw 190C, and the Jumo 213, Fw 190D. The first Fw 190C prototype, V13, had a DB 603 installed, with an annular radiator at the nose of the aircraft and its supercharger intake mounted between its two oil coolers, these modifications presenting a longer, but more streamlined profile. Little drag was added to the airframe with the modifications initially, but they would be forced to mount the supercharger scoop externally. The aircraft first flew in March of 1942, and overheating, along with general teething issues would be noted. Two more prototypes were converted, V15 and 16, receiving the longer wing from the B-project and GM-1 equipment. Turbocharging was also proposed, but not pursued until much later on. The program continued through May at a decent pace and they were achieving high speeds, one aircraft reaching 696 km/h at 6,950 m, but overheating and engine failure remained serious issues. Similar problems were likewise being experienced with the Jumo 213. The results, however, prompted Focke-Wulf to expand the program with six more prototypes, V13,15,16, 19, 20, 21, 25, 26, and 27 carrying the DB 603, and V22 and 23 using the Jumo 213. Despite the focus on the DB 603, the company was prepared to switch to the Jumo 213, which they could obtain a much larger supply of.

The large, drag inducing turbocharger scoop earned this aircraft the moniker ‘kangaroo’. Aerodynamically unsound, it proved unsatisfactory for service. (wwiiforum)

The final design for the Fw 190C featured the DB 603A with its supercharger intake mounted on the port engine cowling, with various provisions for an armament of MG 131 machineguns, MG 151/20, and MK 108 autocannons. Its highest tested speed was an impressive 722 km/h at 9 km, without armament or armor plates. Production was strongly considered, and then canceled. The DB 603, in its fighter configuration, was still proving troublesome, and V13 was written off after an engine failure forced the pilot to crash land. The engine itself had a comparatively small production run compared to the Jumo 213, and was being shared with a number of twin engine bombers and night fighters. As the older, and massive Jumo 211 production lines were transitioning to the more powerful Jumo 213, it was by far the better choice for a new mass production fighter.

The Fw 190D or ‘Dora’ project continued, though its development path did not lead to a mass produced, high altitude fighter. Rather, it became a project to facilitate getting the Jumo 213 into a fighter as fast as possible, as it was one of the few German engines capable of competing with Western Allied models in most areas. The only mass produced variant, the D-9, is often mislabeled as a high altitude fighter, though its engine was designed for low to medium altitude use. A small number of high altitude models, with the appropriate engines, were produced, but were nothing compared to the D-9’s production run of well over a thousand aircraft by the end of the war.

Shifting programs aside, Focke-Wulf would continue with the new Höhenjäger II project, now seeking to build a truly superb high altitude fighter by taking several of the Fw 190C prototypes and equipping them with Hirth TK 11 turbo-superchargers. With the Fw 190B improvements, the 2000 hp DB 603 S, and a pressurized cockpit, it was hoped that a number of exceptional high altitude fighters could be produced, even if they could never reach the production figures of the Dora. They attempted to solve the earlier issue with the unmanageable size of the turbosupercharger by installing it partially outside of the fuselage, with an air scoop at its front. V18 received the necessary modifications and flew in December of 1942, with serious cooling problems being noted. Further modifications were made after the first several flights, most notable being that a larger oil cooler was mounted, the tail was enlarged to improve high altitude control, and the next prototype, V30, was re-equipped with a four bladed Schwarz propellor. Their extreme high altitude performance was superior to the C, with the aircraft reaching a speed of 670 km/h at 11 km, though they were proving far more temperamental. Turbine and engine issues continued to cut test flights short, though more prototypes were constructed through early 1943, V29 to V33. However, turbine issues persisted, and the entire scoop set up was found to be aerodynamically poor, and the design was proving very disappointing in comparison to the fully recessed models in service with the USAAF. Its performance too was deemed inadequate, and the project was canceled.

Falling behind

Apart from expedient designs, like the GM-1 boosted Bf 109’s, German efforts to produce a high altitude fighter had largely stagnated during 1943, and by the beginning of 1944, they were at a distinct disadvantage. For the past two years, most of the aero engine industry was working hard to modify their existing models to run at their full power using the inferior materials and fuel that were available to them. Among the clearest problems this caused was with the Messerschmitt Bf 109 G, or ‘Gustav’ model, which was only finally cleared to run at its full combat power in the summer of 1943, almost two years after its introduction. Under such conditions, developing new engines was a mostly hopeless effort, and to make matters worse, Allied developments in this field were unfolding brilliantly. While Focke-Wulf and Messerschmitt had failed to deliver on their high altitude fighters, the RAF began to fully transition to the use of the two-stage Merlin in their Spitfires, while the even more powerful Griffin was in development. By the end of 1943, USAAF finally introduced the P-51B, using a licensed Packard Merlin engine, and the P-47 had seen significant performance improvements which gave it unparalleled performance above 9 km. The P-51 proved perhaps the most concerning, as it not only had the benefit of a significantly more advanced engine, but it had been designed with aerodynamic concepts that were not available to aircraft designers before the war. It was an altogether modern aircraft, whereas the German air force would remain dependent on modified versions of planes which had been flying before the war had begun. The Bf 109G had fallen behind its Western contemporaries in most areas of performance, while the Fw 190 still clung to a competitive edge in low to medium altitude engagements. At high altitudes, especially above 7.5 km, there were only a comparative handful of GM-1 boosted Bf 109G’s that could really challenge the Allies, and even then, not on equal terms.

Germany did not possess the materials needed for robust and reliable exhaust valves, bearings, or more efficient, high pressure, high temperature radiators like those on Western Allied planes. However, there were areas of hopeful improvement. Foremost was that, by the autumn of 1943, German engine manufacturers had developed nickel coatings for engine pistons to overcome corrosion problems, and had modified the DB 605’s oil scavenge system to allow it to run at its originally planned combat power. While they would not be able to produce engines as reliable as those in the service of the RAF and USAAF, it was clear that the performance disparity could be reduced. Just as crucially, improvements were being made in regards to radiator design, particularly the annular units which were being tested on the high altitude Focke-Wulf projects. The new AJA 180 on the Fw 190 series was both approaching the pressure and temperature tolerance of Allied models, and was very compact, allowing the Fw 190 to retain its aerodynamic sleekness even when it switched engines.

The Fw 190D project transitioned away from high altitude fighters when the demand for better general purpose fighters grew. Rushed into production, it had more than its fair share of blemishes but, nonetheless, was an effective successor to the earlier ‘Anton’. (worldwarphotos)

While Messerschmitt had already succeeded in producing an acceptable high altitude fighter in the GM-1 boosted Bf 109G, Focke-Wulf’s projects took a different turn. The high altitude Fw 190D project shifted focus to produce a medium altitude fighter, the Fw 190D-9, and another project would seek to build a successor to the Fw 190, the new plane being named Ta 153. The designation changed to reflect Kurt Tank’s role as the head designer at Focke-Wulf. With this new design, hopes for significant high altitude improvements were again stoked, but as had become clear by their earlier failures, such improvements could not come from any unfamiliar solutions or technically complex methods, like turbocharging.

The Successor

The Ta 153 was so designated as it was not a variant, but a successor to the original aircraft. It featured a new fuselage and wings and the occasionally troublesome electrically driven landing gear actuators were changed for hydraulically driven ones. Being almost entirely divorced from the Fw 190’s supply chain, it was thus denied for production in March of 1943, given the amount of labor and time it would take to set up tooling. A compromise model between the design and the Fw 190D was selected, designated the Ta 152.

The Ta 152C program attempted to replace the Fw 190 A&D and correct the faults of the Dora. In the end, it proved too similar to justify shifting production before the end of the war. (ta-152.de)

There were several types planned, namely Ta 152 A,B,C and H. These were standard fighters, heavy fighters for use against bombers, fighter bombers, and a high altitude interceptor. The A and B were designed to use the Jumo 213A & E, respectively, the C the DB 603, and the H, the Jumo 213E. To avoid impacting the production of the Fw 190D, the high altitude model was the first to be developed. These planes featured a hydraulic landing gear system as opposed to the electric actuators on the Fw 190, an improved vertical stabilizer from the Fw 190C program, larger wings, and a half meter fuselage extension in the rear fuselage, with the ensuing redistribution of weight helping to correct for an issue with the aircraft’s center of gravity.

While it may seem odd that they were essentially pursuing two fighter designs to succeed the Fw 190A, the Luftwaffe was desperately looking for higher performance fighters. Hopes were placed on the new Jumo 213 in the Fw 190D, and the new DB 605D in the Bf 109K, to keep pace with the Allies. The Dora was an expedient solution which could use the same supply chain as the original fighter, and the Ta 152 would be a more thoroughly improved model which would be transitioned to once the Dora’s supply chain was well established. In any case, only the high altitude Ta 152 variant was pursued with any substantial amount of resources, given it would be assigned a mission the Bf 109K and Fw 190D models were not suitable for. Jets were, of course, also quite promising, but they were still an immature technology, and it was clear that the leap from pistons to turbines could not be made in 1944.

The new fighter would be designed with both high altitude and low altitude performance in mind. To meet this challenging requirement, both the GM-1 high altitude, and MW 50 low altitude engine boost systems were to be installed aboard the aircraft. Kurt Tank selected several of the old Fw 190C prototypes to be converted for the new program, these being V18, 29, 30, 32, and 33. V33 was the first to undergo modification and was redesignated V33/U1, now featuring a three bladed VS 9 propeller, a forward fuselage lengthening of .5 meters, a rear fuselage lengthening of 0.772 m, a new high aspect wing with an area of 23.5m^2, a hydraulically actuated undercarriage, and two 20 mm MG 151/20’s mounted in the wing roots.

It first flew on July 13, 1944, and was lost after it crashed during its 36 minute test flight at Vechta. The second prototype, V30/U1, flew on August 6, and like the first, was again lost, though this time resulting in the death of its pilot, Alfted Thomas. More success was had with the third prototype, V29/U1, which flew on September 29, 1944, and the fourth, V18/U2, which flew shortly after. With pre-production beginning in November, this left them about a month to perform flight tests on their surviving prototypes.  Serious trouble with the program was encountered as late as November, when test pilot Hans Sander had to crash land his aircraft after his engine seized due to fuel starvation. It was found a hydraulic valve had been installed in the fuel line, an accident most likely a result of the aircraft’s rushed development.

The losses and damages experienced at this point in testing were threatening to seriously interrupt the pace of the project, but in the end, they rushed through development with some of the stability issues unresolved. This effectively led to the aircraft entering production with only slight adjustments from the prototypes. However, the plane was achieving good high altitude performance, both in terms of speed and ceiling. Test pilot Friedrich Schnier would fly V29/U1 to an incredible height of 13.6 km on January 20th, 1945. Beyond this, the fourth and final converted aircraft was V32/U1, which was fitted with a four bladed Schwarz propeller and the new MG 213 revolver cannon. It first flew in January of 1945, though none of the equipment would be worked into any production aircraft.

The eccentric profile of the aircraft, with its high aspect ratio wings. (destination’s journey)

The H was unique among the Ta 152 series, with its long, high aspect wings designed for high altitude use, a pressurized cockpit, and the installation of both the GM-1 high altitude, and MW 50 low altitude boost systems. While together, they promised incredible performance at any height, GM-1 was never carried aboard any of the operational fighters due to its container’s adverse effects on stability. Eager to have this aircraft as soon as possible, Focke-Wulf sprinted through its development, and the Ta 152H entered pre-production in November of 1944. The extremely rapid pace of development was emblematic of the very desperate situation the German air force was in at the time. This resulted in the delivery of an aircraft that was effectively unfinished.

The Ta 152H-0 entered service without several of the key features that the plane was set to carry, lacking the outer wing fuel tanks, and the engine boost systems. As such, it was considerably lighter, and better handling than the planned production model, but without the boost systems, it was much slower.  For the time being it judged necessary, as there were serious weight distribution issues with wing fuel tanks and boost systems aboard. While it was designed with wing tanks, GM-1, and MW 50, the production model of the aircraft would not be permitted to fly with all three. In the end only the MW 50 and the wing tanks were permitted to be used together, but the GM-1 system would prove more troublesome. A stop gap solution late in the war would allow for the use of GM-1, but only GM-1. By the time the war ended, there was still no solution on how all three pieces of equipment would be added to the plane without jeopardizing its flying characteristics.

It was in this rough state when it was delivered to the Luftwaffe for testing in December. Due to supply chain issues, production was slow and the aircraft were finally delivered to the Luftwaffe until January 27, 1945.

Operational History

Given their very late introduction during the war, the Ta 152H saw very little action and its combat record is extremely limited. The aircraft was only supplied to the Stab, the squadron staff group, and Gruppe III of JG 301, a dual night and day fighter squadron which transitioned to them from Fw 190A-8’s on January 27. The squadron had a good pool of experienced pilots already familiar with Focke-Wulf aircraft, though their mechanics would have a far more difficult task, as the Ta 152H-0 had been pushed into service without maintenance manuals. At the airfield at Alteno, they received 11 aircraft, with 16 others having been destroyed or damaged on the ground before they could reach the unit. Familiarization and training proceeded until the end of February and was not without incident. One aircraft (150037) was lost in a training incident, a second damaged but repaired, and serviceability fell from 75% to 30% after an incident with water contaminating fuel supplies. The squadron would go on to receive several more aircraft before rebasing to Sachau when Alteno was overrun. They would attempt to engage Allied bombers on March 2, but the 12 Ta 152H’s would fail to reach them, as they were attacked by the Bf 109s of another squadron which mistook their unfamiliar planes for the enemy. No aircraft were lost in the engagement. A second high altitude interception against a DeHavilland Mosquito was also attempted, though engine trouble forced the pilot to return to base before contact was made.

One of the only photographs of Ta 152H’s in operation with JG 301. (destination’s journey)

The unit rebased again to Stendal near Erfurt, where they joined JG 301’s Gruppe II, during which one aircraft was lost, and the pilot, Jonny Wiegeshoff, was killed on the landing approach. This was believed to be the result of the propeller reduction gear failing and becoming stuck in an almost feathered position. By March 14th, the understrength unit was supplied with several Fw 190A-9s. Outnumbered and with little security, the Ta 152H’s often flew top cover for the rest of the unit during what few operations were undertaken. On April 10, Erfurt was contested, and during the fighting, the eight serviceable Ta 152’s engaged a flight of fifteen P-47’s near Brunswick, resulting in one victory claim.

Gruppe III’s last actions were conducted from Neustadt-Glewe. On April 15th, the unit suffered its first combat loss. During operations that day, four Ta 152s sortied to attack a pair of RAF Hawker Tempests engaging in a low level sweep. According to Obfw. Willi Reschke, the Ta 152H in the number two position, flown by Obfw. Sepp Sattler, suddenly lost control and crashed before contact was made, seemingly suffering a fatal malfunction, while other accounts claim he was brought down by one of the RAF Tempests. The remaining two Ta 152’s engaged the Tempests of No. 486 Squadron. In the ensuing battle, Obfw. Willi Reschke entered an intense, low level dogfight with one of the Tempests. Near the beginning of the engagement, he fired on and struck the tail of a Hawker Tempest flown by Lt. Mitchell, his gun’s electrical circuit seemingly failing shortly after. However, when Mitchel attempted to turn away from his opponent, he lost control of his damaged aircraft and crashed. Reschke swore by the low speed maneuverability of the Ta 152, which he felt was critical in this engagement, and his survival through the last days of the war. The Ta 152H flown by the Schwarm leader, Oberstleuteneant Fritz Auffhammer, suffered an engine failure, though the pilot successfully restored power and returned to base with his supercharger broken. Sattler and Mitchel were both buried at a cemetery in Neustadt-Glewe.

The last actions of the squadron were in the last stages of the Battle for Berlin, and on April 24th, the Ta 152s and Fw 190As of the IInd and IIIrd Gruppe attacked Soviet positions and engaged Yak 9’s. The final mission was flown over Berlin in poor conditions, and during an engagement with a flight of four Yak 9’s, Hauptman Hermann Stahl was killed during the engagement, with the four Yak-9’s being claimed by the unit. After the surrender, the unit rebased to Leck in Schleswig-Holstein, where they were disbanded and one of the serviceable Ta 152H’s was transferred to England by the RAF so that it could be evaluated. A second Ta 152H was also claimed by the USAAF for evaluation purposes, the plane being another H-0 which likely belonged to a testing unit at Rechlin.

One of the only serviceable planes was taken to the UK for testing. The other was taken in hand by the US. (Alessandro Orseniga)

In all, the Ta 152H was never actually used for any high altitude combat operations and its service was restricted to a single under strength unit. With at most ten victories and four operational losses, it is difficult to give any appraisal for its performance from its brief career with JG 301. Obfw. Josel Keil, was the only pilot to qualify as an ace on the Ta 152H, and together with Willi Reschke, who had two credits in the Ta 152H, and 24 in other aircraft, held nearly all of the aircraft’s combat credits between them.

Handling and Flying Characteristics

While the Ta 152H’s combat record leaves a lot of questions left unanswered, most pilots who had the chance to get behind the controls of the aircraft can at least agree that the aircraft flew very well. Among its most famous advocates was Royal Navy Test pilot Eric Brown. He would praise its excellent climb performance, maneuverability at high altitude, stability, and good landing characteristics. His only negative remarks were that its roll rate was reduced over the older Fw 190A, that its stick forces were notably heavier, and that its wheel brakes were still awful and prone to fade after a few moments of use. He otherwise considered it an excellent aircraft and the best high altitude piston engined fighter he had flown, comparing it favorably to a Spitfire Mk IXX. It must be noted that he misidentifies the aircraft as an H-1 in his book, and not the substantially lighter H-0, which is visually identical.

Captain Brown’s remarks are matched by those of the pilots who assessed the aircraft in the Stab and III/JG 301. The Ta 152H-0 had the best evaluation received by a front line operator of a Focke-Wulf aircraft. The aircraft possessed most of the best qualities of the earlier Fw 1,0D-9 without having its poor accelerated stall characteristics. While still described as uncomfortable like the Fw 190D it was so similar to, it was much improved and less prone to the aggressive snap rolling. So, while the aircraft was less maneuverable, generally speaking, most pilots were more comfortable pulling harder turns. In tests at the unit, some new pilots in Ta 152H’s were able to turn with seasoned pilots in Fw 190A’s. Take off runs were short, and the landing approach could be conducted at low speeds. Generally speaking, it was a fairly forgiving aircraft. The only negative notes on the aircraft were from the findings of the Rechlin Test Center, which found the aircraft became seriously unstable in dives exceeding 600 km/h and that level flight required excessive trimming of the horizontal stabilizer.

The enlarged tail and redesigned wings helped give these aircraft better handling characteristics than the Fw 190D. (Grafiq)

The stick forces were notably fairly high, but they were harmonized well, and the push rod control system ensured inputs were very responsive. Stability about the vertical axis was poor, and there was a tendency to skid. This tendency grew worse at higher altitudes and motivated them to install a level flight autopilot. The aircraft possessed good visibility to the back, sides, and rear, with the view over the nose being mediocre to poor. The controls were placed conveniently, with the instrument panel layout being clean and easy to read.

Most of its good qualities were not found in the fully equipped H-1 production model of the aircraft. Numerous problems were encountered when the full set of engine boosting equipment and fuel tanks were installed and filled. The added weight of the boost systems and wing tanks was substantial, and asymmetric. The GM-1 system and the wing tanks were particularly problematic, and the aircraft was unstable if the GM-1 container and fuel tanks were filled. Stability with the GM-1 system was only possible with a ballast kit, empty wing tanks, the removal of the MW 50 system, and a set fuel limit for the rear fuselage fuel tank. These issues were not resolved by the time the war ended, and there was no way the aircraft could use any combination of these systems without seriously jeopardizing its flying characteristics. MW 50 was usable aboard only the H-1 production model, but it may not have been available to JG 301 in the field. The squadron was still mostly composed of BMW 801 equipped Fw 190A’s which did not use the system.

Mechanics generally found the aircraft easier to maintain than the Fw 190, however there were some issues. The new hydraulic system for the landing gear was experiencing teething and quality control issues. The position of the landing gear wheel well was also found to be at issue, as when launching from damp conditions, the propeller cast mud and water into the well, which made its way inside the wing. This caused issues with the hydraulic systems and the autocannons fitted in the wing root.

Comparisons with contemporary fighters

The Ta 152H represented a leap in Germany high altitude fighter design, though not necessarily one that took them beyond the competition. (flugrevue)
Aircraft (manifold pressure) Speed at Sea Level (km/h) Speed 3050 m (10,000 ft) (km/h) Speed 6096 m (20,000 ft) (km/h) Speed 9144 m (30,000 ft) (km/h) Speed 9.5 km (31,168 ft) (km/h)
Ta 152H-1 (1.92 ata) 580 640 690 725 732
Fw 190D-9 (1.82 ata) 611 645 689 653 645
P-51B-15 (75″ Hg) 616 675 709 688 685
P-47N-5-RE (72″ Hg) 587 643 708 740 759
P-47M (72” Hg) 587 646 701 753 762
P-38L (60” Hg) 550 608 646 663 659
Spitfire Mk 21 (+21 lbs) 592 658 700 704 703
Me 262 A-1a 800 x 870 845 x

*The Ta 152H-1 could reach a maximum speed of 760 km/h at 12.5 km using the GM-1 boost system. While it was never cleared for operational use, on paper, it made the Ta 152H the fastest fighter at that altitude. The Fw 190D-9 represents a late model, having received an MW 50 boost system, as was available near the end of 1944.

The Ta 152 entered service on a battlefield where the Western Allies already had high altitude supremacy, and had a number of improved designs that had yet to make their debuts by the time the war in Europe was ending. By January of 1945, the German air force was no longer dealing just with long range escort fighters over its own soil, but virtually every fighter the Allies could throw at it, such as P-47’s, Spitfires of several marks, La-7’s, and Tempests, just to name a few.

Fw 190D-9 (Graphiq)

Against its contemporary Fw 190D-9 counterpart, it is clear that the Ta 152H did not represent a comprehensive upgrade. The Dora shared much of the same fuselage, though it retained the wings and tail sections of the older Anton series fighter, and it carried the Jumo 213A engine designed for use at lower altitudes. In regards to linear speed and acceleration below 6 km, the Dora roughly matched or exceeded the Ta 152H. This, however, was not the case at higher altitudes, where the high altitude specializations of the fighter showed their worth. The Ta 152H was known to be more maneuverable in flat turns and much more forgiving in most aggressive maneuvers, a result of its high aspect ratio wings which lacked the less than ideal tendency for snap rolling without much warning that the older Fw 190’s were known for. In a dive, the Dora was notably superior, as the aforementioned wings of the Ta 152H made it notably unstable at high speed. The H-1 carried, but was not cleared to use GM-1, nor does it seem they would have ever been supplied with the mixture. This is a discrepancy of several hundred kilograms, leaving the true climb performance of the aircraft somewhat ambiguous, with a claimed 20 m/s at sea level without MW 50.

The P-51B’s and D’s had marginal differences in performance They were among the most aerodynamically clean fighters of the war, boasting an extremely streamlined fuselage, laminar flow wings, and a radiator scoop which produced thrust that offset upwards of 90% of its own drag. To increase maneuverability in high speeds and in power dives, the control surfaces were internally sealed and used a diaphragm to reduce stick forces. The engine was a Packard Merlin V-1650-7 with an intercooled, two stage, two speed supercharger. Even though the engine was actually geared for lower altitude use than its predecessor, the combination of these features made the aircraft a very fast, maneuverable fighter which could boast of high performance at most altitude ranges.

Against the Ta 152H-1, the Mustang held to a higher top speed at low to medium altitude, better maneuverability at high speed, and far better dive performance. At extreme altitudes, the H-1 outstripped the Mustang in top speed, and across most altitudes would have had better low speed maneuverability. The high aspect ratio wings of the Ta 152 both gave it better handling at high altitude, and much improved stall characteristics over its predecessors down low. Curiously enough, both the Ta 152H and the Mustang were far more maneuverable than their wing loading would suggest, a result of high aspect ratio and laminar flow wing designs, respectively. However, in the Ta 152’s case, this came at the cost of a slower roll rate, and unstable high speed dive characteristics. While the Ta 152H could prove an exceptionally challenging high altitude opponent to all of the contemporary Allied fighters, it was a competitive, but not particularly impressive aircraft at lower altitudes. Performance wise, it could be said to fly like a more maneuverable, if slower, Fw 190D when at lower altitudes.

There is of course the story of Kurt Tank himself escaping a pair of P-51’s at low altitude in a Ta 152 prototype. Near the end of 1944, the designer himself was flying one of the prototypes to a conference in Cottbus, Germany, where he was happened upon by two P-51’s. Using the MW 50 boost system in the aircraft, Tank slipped away from his pursuers and arrived in Cottbus unscathed. Some laud this encounter a sign of the aircraft’s superiority, however, it is not a useful measure of the performance of any of the combat models of the aircraft. At Kurt Tank’s instruction, the prototype in question was unarmed and, more than likely, carrying no armor plate, which would have made the aircraft substantially lighter than any operational Ta 152H fighter.

The Spitfire Mk 21 represented the final evolution of the wartime Spitfire, by then nearing its tenth year in the air. A far echo from the Mk I, the 21 featured a vastly more powerful Griffin 61 engine. Much like its late Merlin powered predecessors, it possessed an intercooled, two stage, two speed supercharger. Unlike them, it was massive and much more powerful. After incorporating structural improvements and modifying controls for high speed, the Spitfire aged perhaps the best of any fighter of the war. Compared to the Ta 152H, it lacked the sheer distance in top speed performance of the P-51, but more than challenged the Focke-Wulf in linear speed and climb rate across most altitudes. However, at and above 7 km, the 152H had a confident advantage in speed and maneuverability.

The P-47N represented the final evolution of the Thunderbolt. Though not destined for Europe, it performed similarly to the P-47M which debuted in combat roughly the same time as the Ta 152H. (wikimedia)

Compared to the most modern Allied high altitude fighters, the Ta 152H lost most of its edge. The P-47N and M represented the final evolution of the American high altitude fighter, featuring a new 2800 hp, R-2800 turbocharged engine, and a variety of aerodynamic improvements to increase control at high speed. By the late Summer of 1944, the Western Allies had already gained air superiority over Europe, and so the new aircraft was stockpiled in the US for use in the Pacific, with the first deliveries being made in September of 1944. There was a similar performing model in Europe, the P-47M, though it was a limited production aircraft designed for chasing V-1 flying bombs and other high speed targets. Teething issues would keep it from entering service roughly until the Ta-125H did, in March of 1945. In the end though, the Luftwaffe had become so degraded that clearly no new updated models would be required and the performance increases would not justify the effort to refamiliarize pilots and maintenance personnel.

In terms of top speed, the P-47M&N handily outperformed the Ta 152H at all altitudes, the only exception being at extremely high altitudes when the Ta 152H employed GM-1. In contrast, the Focke-Wulf enjoyed a better climb rate and was likely the more maneuverable of the two, although it was certainly less capable in a dive. The late war Thunderbolts were certainly the fastest high altitude fighter which saw combat, the Ta 152H’s of JG 301 never having carried GM-1.

The P-38L was the last fighter variant of the Lightning fighter, the first model having been in service prior to the US entry to the war. With its turbo supercharged Allison engines, it was among the first fighters of the war that was designed for high altitude use. However, by the end of the war, it left something to be desired in terms of both its top speed, and like the Ta-152H, its high speed dive performance. Its low critical Mach number meant that the plane encountered compressibility at lower speeds than all of the fighters presented here. At high speeds and altitudes, the plane locked up and would remain uncontrollable until its high speed breaks were deployed, or it had descended into lower, denser air. Of all the Allied high altitude fighters, the Lightning compared fairly unfavorably with the Focke Wulf.

Most easily glossed over is the performance compared to jet fighters, which by the time the Ta 152H was introduced, could not exactly be called new. The Messerschmitt 262 had re-entered service in November of 1944 after earlier operational problems, and once training and maintenance programs were revised, the plane quickly proved itself. While it was slow to accelerate and climb, it was unapproachable in terms of top speed. Extreme high altitude use of the temperamental Jumo 004 turbojet engine was limited, though as a means of attacking high altitude formations of Allied bombers, it was by far the best equipped aircraft Germany possessed. Its slow acceleration meant that any energy-demanding maneuvers were largely off the table, but when flown by a pilot that understood its strengths, the plane was untouchable save for when it was taking off or landing. Though largely an issue post war, the Me 262 demonstrated the difficulty in justifying further piston engine fighter development at this point in aircraft development.

The Ta 152H began production after the Me 262 jet fighter had already entered service, so it, and many other programs, had to compete with it for resources. As the turbojet was already showing to be the future of fighter design, the Ta 152 was difficult to sell to the Luftwaffe. (I.PINIMG)

Overall, the Ta 152H certainly was not a Wunderwaffe by any means. At all but the highest altitudes, the aircraft was not a particularly better performer than its preceding, and much more numerous, Fw 190D counterpart. Even at extreme altitudes, it more than had competition in the form of the Thunderbolt N and M, which not only outstripped it in performance in a number of areas, but beat it into production by several months. It’s only truly exceptional performance was achieved using a high altitude engine boost system that was never made available to the unit carrying the aircraft, and in any case, it would have required a redesign of the aircraft to be used properly. Nevertheless, it represented a stark improvement in high altitude performance over previous German fighters. It too, could boast of extreme maneuverability at high altitudes, even if it didn’t lead the pack in pure speed. Top speed aside, its wings lent it a great degree of maneuverability at high altitude, and its overall performance at and above the altitudes Allied bombers flew at was considerable. This is also to say nothing of its trio of cannons; two 20mm MG151/20’s and its single 30mm MK108, which leant it incredible striking power. While the incorporation of the Jumo 213E, MW 50, and on paper, GM-1, did not produce the pinnacle of fighter design, the result was still a capable high altitude interceptor capable of engaging the highest flying targets of its day.

Construction

The construction of the Ta 152H’s fuselage was essentially that of a modified Fw 190A-8. The fuselage was largely the same with the following modifications: the forward fuselage was lengthened by 0.772 m in order to fit in a Mk 108 autocannon, the wing connecting section was moved forward 0.420 m to correct for the center of gravity, and the rear fuselage was lengthened by 0.5 m. The leading edge of the tail was exchanged for that on the Fw 190C, being considerably larger. Given the deteriorating situation near the end of the war, the new tail surfaces were wood, rather than metal skinned. The fin and rudder were enlarged for better control, with the new surface area of the tail stabilizers measuring 1.77 m2 for the vertical and 2.82 m2 for the horizontal. The changes to the fuselage necessitated strengthening, which saw some duralumin framing elements replaced with steel. In order to reduce the number of assembly jigs they needed to produce, the forward fuselage extension was bolted through the former engine attachment points.

The Ta 152H-1 featured all the fuel tanks pictured here, the preproduction H-0 had only those in the fuselage. (Deutchesluftwaffe.de)

The Ta 152H-1 featured all the tanks pictured here, the preproduction H-0 had only those in the fuselage. (Deutchesluftwaffe.de)

The wings were entirely redesigned from the Anton and changed to a high aspect model which increased the wingspan to 14.4 m, and to an area of 23.3 m2. Structurally, it remained a monocoque structure, but its rear spar and leading edge were used to absorb transverse forces and it was structurally reinforced with additional stiffening ribs. The landing gear were the same as the Fw 190A-8’s, but they were hydraulically and not electrically operated. They mounted 740 mm by 210 mm wheels to accommodate the increased weight of the aircraft. The inboard section of the wing mounted an MG 151/20 autocannon with provisions for 175 rounds of ammunition each.

Clean instrumentation, a high level of engine automation, and good visibility made the Ta 152H a fairly straightforward aircraft to fly. (destination’s journey)

The aircraft possessed a pressurized canopy to reduce the physiological stresses of high altitude flight. It was a very rudimentary system, with the cockpit rivets being sealed with DHK 8800 paste, and the sliding hood being sealed by means of a cylindrical rubber tube liner. Pressurization was regulated by means of a 1 liter air bottle supplied by a Knorr 300/10 air compressor which was geared to the engine with no intermediate gearing. The system was engaged at 8 km and maintained a constant .36 atmospheres. To prevent windscreen fogging, it was double-paned, with silica packets installed in the gap. Quality control issues saw varying effectiveness at altitude. On the record setting flight, Friedrich Schnier reported the system leaked badly above 12 km and shortly after he suffered joint pain, impaired vision, and numbness in his extremities due to low air pressure.

The Ta 152H carried an armament of two MG 151/20 20 mm cannons in each wing root and a centerline MK 108 30 mm cannon which fired through the propeller hub. The 20 mm guns were supplied with 175 rounds per gun, and the 30 mm with 90. The gunsight was the standard Revi 16b sight, which was eventually supposed to be replaced by the new EZ 42 gyroscopic sight which, when properly used, gave the pilot an accurate gunsight lead against his target. The aircraft was well armored with two engine plates, and six to protect the pilot, with a combined weight of 150 kg. The 8 mm plate behind the pilot was judged inadequate, though plans to increase its thickness to 15 mm were not carried out. A single hardpoint could be attached to the underside of the aircraft to install a 300 liter drop tank, but there were no provisions for carrying bombs.

The engine was a 35 liter Jumo 213E inverted V-12. Originally developed from the Jumo 211, which saw heavy use in bombers much earlier in the war, the new Jumo 213 was what most of the Luftwaffe’s hopes were placed on to compete with newer, more powerful Allied engines. It featured a new AJA 180 streamlined annular radiator that supported the oil and engine coolant. Critically, it was able to operate at significantly higher temperatures and pressures than older models, though not quite at the standards of the Western Allies. However, unlike Allied models, the Jumo was heavily automated. The Bediengerat, or control device, was a hydro-mechanical computer that managed the propeller RPM, mixture, supercharger speed, and radiator based on the pilot’s throttle inputs. This helped to relieve the pilot’s workload, as the Kommandogerat did on the BMW 801 powered models.

The Jumo 213E was the high altitude model which featured an intercooled, two stage, three speed supercharger. To further improve on high altitude performance, the aircraft would use a GM-1 nitrous boosting system. The system consisted of an 85 liter tank behind the pilot, and a crescent shaped liquid nitrous tank that sat at the right front side of the cockpit. The mixture was fed into the supercharger by a pump when the system was activated. As an oxygen carrier, the job of the nitrous is to provide an oxygen rich mixture to the engine when the supercharger is operating at altitudes where it is unable to provide the compression, and thus enough oxygen, needed to maintain a high manifold pressure. For the Jumo 213E, this was above 11 km. The drawbacks of the system were its uselessness below 11 km, and the bleed off of the evaporating liquid nitrous, which prevented it from being efficiently stored aboard the aircraft beyond several hours. Unlike its use on other aircraft, like Bf 109’s and Ju 88’s, the position of the nitrous tank aboard the Ta 152H proved dangerous, as it severely impacted the plane’s stability. It is unlikely the system would have been very effective without a major redesign of the fuel and mixture tanks, as even with a ballast kit that stabilized a GM-1 carrying plane, the aircraft could not carry anywhere near its full fuel load or its MW 50 boost system. While, on paper, the system promised unparalleled performance at extreme altitudes, it was almost unusable given its unstable configuration.

The MW 50 system was the low altitude boost system. It consisted of a 70 liter tank in the port wing containing MW 50, being roughly 49% methanol and 49% water, with the remainder being an anti corrosion measure. When active, the solution was pumped into the supercharger. The system was designed to boost engine power and overcome the less than ideal quality of German aviation fuels. Poor detonation characteristics, especially of the lower octane B4 fuels, forced the Germans to run at lower manifold pressures and thus lower power to avoid damaging their engines. Methanol boosted the octane rating of the fuel-air mixture entering the manifold, and the water cooled the mixture, with both factoring to bring major improvements in engine power via their combined anti-detonation, or knock, effects. The system made its debut in the summer of 1944, and was essential in allowing the later Bf 109G and Fw 190D series aircraft to stay competitive with their Allied counterparts. However, it was not without its drawbacks. It could not be used effectively above around 6 kilometers, and it was highly corrosive, severely limiting the lifespans of corrosion prone German engines. Aboard the Ta 152, it was to be installed in either a 70 liter wing tank or a standard 115 liter tank behind the pilot.

The Jumo 213E Kraftei. The entire assembly was bolted to the front of the fuselage and streamlined engine swaps. (ta152.de)

The engine had a bore and stroke of 150 mm and 165 mm, a compression ratio of 6.5:1, and a dry weight of 1040 kg. It differed from the standard model in that it had a slightly smaller bore, and the larger supercharger assembly and the associated intercooler added some 300 kg. It used B4 fuels which had a minimum octane rating of 87. The engine drove a constant speed 3.6 m VS 9 wooden propeller with a reduction gear of 1:2.40, and produced a maximum of 1753 PS (1729 hp) at sea level and 1260 PS (1242hp) at an altitude of 10.7 km. The oil header tank sat atop the front of the engine, and the coolant tank sat at the rear. On the Jumo 213A, these had a capacity of 55 and 115 liters respectively. The entire engine assembly was a Kraftei, or power-egg, consolidated unit, allowing the engine and its associated coolant systems to be easily removed or added to the aircraft.

Its radio and navigation systems included the FuG 16ZY ground control transceiver to allow it to be tracked and directed from ground based stations, a FuG 25A erstling IFF, and a FuG 125 radio direction finder for beacon homing. Some aircraft were also fitted with a K 23 level autopilot to reduce fatigue when flying the aircraft at high altitudes and in poor weather. The autopilot was accompanied with a heated windscreen and a FuG 125 Hermine radio navigation system as part of the R11 Rüstzustand equipment package.

Production of the Ta 152H

The Ta 152H was introduced in an environment where all quality control measures had already been cut down for every aspect of production. The lack of skilled labor and poor materials meant that building a reliable aircraft engine in Germany had become almost impossible by the spring of 1944. Slave labor and foreign, drafted workers had become the base of the labor pool, as most of Germany’s factory workers had been drafted to fight, resulting in a sharp decrease in quality. This was not only a result of poor working conditions and the inexperience of the workers, but sabotage became widespread, especially among those pulled to work from concentration camps. Even more desperate measures began to be instituted in the summer of 1944, as the re-use of parts from salvaged aircraft became more commonplace, and engine test runs were ever more limited to conserve dwindling fuel supplies.

The first Ta 152H-0 was completed in November of 1944 after considerable delays due to several sets of blueprints being found to be inaccurate, and sets of jigs had been lost in France the previous summer. The first planes were sent to the Rechlin test center in December of 1944, while Focke Wulf considered how to accelerate production. While doing so, they were hobbled when the Jagerstab, which managed strategic fighter production, shifted more and more resources to jet fighters and older, established piston engined fighters. Ta 152H production standards continued to decline in the midst of the widespread economic collapse of Germany. Near the end of January 1945, it became almost impossible to build any more Ta 152H’s, as the decentralized production system began to collapse, the rail system became unusable, and the wing and fuselage production center at Pozen was overrun by the Allies.

By the war’s end, approximately 60 Ta 152H fighters had been completed at the Focke Wulf facility at Cottbus. The series suffered extreme quality control issues in service with JG 301, which included supercharger surging and the failure of a propeller reduction unit, which resulted in the death of a pilot. In April of 1945, the plans were sold and shipped to Japan, where unsurprisingly, there was no new production of the aircraft.

Conclusion

The sole remaining Ta 152H is in storage at the Smithsonian Air and Space Museum, where it awaits restoration. (Smithsonian)

The Ta 152H is often seen as one of the great ‘what if’s’ of the Luftwaffe, but in reality, the aircraft was a good, rather than truly exceptional fighter. While on paper, the Ta 152H was to be an incredible aircraft at high altitude, it’s rushed development, and hasty introduction into service saw it fly without the GM-1 boost system that it needed to achieve these feats, and in a rather regrettable state in terms of build quality. It stacked up well against many of the older aircraft in the theaters it fought in, like the Yak-9, Spitfire Mk IX, or the P-38L, and against its contemporary Allied rivals, it was a competitive fighter at high altitudes.

Specification:

Specification Ta 152H-0 H-1
Engine Junkers Jumo 213E Junkers Jumo 213E
Engine Output 1753 PS, 2050 PS w/ MW50 1753 PS, 2050 PS w/ MW50
Empty Weight 4031 kg
Loaded Weight 4730 kg 5220 kg
Maximum Range 2000 km
Maximum Endurance 3.3 hrs
Maximum Speed [At altitude] approximately 720 km/h [10.9 km] 760 km/h w/GM-1 [12.5 km]
Service Ceiling 15 km w/ GM-1 (estimated)
Armament 1×30 mm MK 108, 2×20 mm MG 151/20 same
Crew 1x pilot same
Length 10.82 m 10.82 m
Wingspan 14.44 m 14.44 m
Wing Area 23.3 m^2 23.3 m^2
Height 3.38 m 3.38 m

 

Variants:

Ta 152H-0: Pre-production model, no wing fuel tanks, no MW 50 provisions, GM-1 capability but never cleared for operational use.

Ta 152H-0/R11: Poor weather pre-production series with level autopilot. Most pre-production aircraft were built in this configuration.

Ta 152H-1: Production model, wing fuel tanks, 85 liter GM-1 provisions but not supplied due to operational concerns. 70 liter MW 50 low pressure system installed. Fuel tankage increased from 595 liters to 995 liters with unprotected bag tanks in wings.

Ta 152H-1/R11: Poor weather model, autopilot. Most production aircraft were built in this configuration.

Ta 152H-1/R21: Equipped with Jumo 213EB intercooled engine, high pressure MW 50 system installed. Not operational.

Ta 152H-1/R31: Jumo 213EB, ballast kit to allow GM-1 use. No MW 50 and fuel capacity restricted. Not operational.

Ta 152H-2: FuG 15 radio set instead of FuG 16. Canceled in December 1944.

Ta 152H-2/R11: Bad Weather model.

Ta 152H-10: Photoreconnaissance model based on H-0.

Ta 152H-11: Photoreconnaissance model based on H-1.

Ta 152H-12: Photoreconnaissance model based on H-2.

Illustrations

The unique paint scheme of this aircraft was an identification measure, as the plane was largely unknown to German Flak and fighter crews. It was flown in this state to a conference.

 

 

Credits

  • Article written by Henry H.
  • Edited by  Henry H. & Stan L.
  • Ported by Henry H.
  • Illustrated by Hansclaw

Sources:

Primary:

Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment Boscombe Down Spitfire F. Mk. 21 LA.187 (Griffon 61) Climb and Level Speed Trials. 10 October 1945.

Einmotorige Jäger: Leistungsdaten, 1.10.44

Ersatzteil-Liste TA 152. Konstruktionsgruppe 7 Triebwerksanlage. Focke-Wulf Flugzeugbau G.M.B.H. Bremen.

Fighter Offensive Performance at Altitude Model P-47N-5RE Engine P&W R-2800-73 GP=45:1 Propeller-4 Blades- 13’0” DIA. (Curtis 836) War Emergency- 2800/2800 S.L. to Critical Altitude G.W.=13962 LBS. Republic Aviation Corporation. Farmingdale L.I., New York.

Horizontalgeschwindigkeit über der Flughöhe mit Sonderleistung. Leistungsvergleich Fw 190 – Ta 152. Focke-Wulfe Flugzeugbau G.M.B.H. 3.1.45

P-51B-15-NA 43-24777 (Packard Merlin V-1650-7) Performance Tests on P-38J, P-47D and P-51B Airplanes Tested with 44-1 Fuel. (GRADE 104/150). 15 May, 1944.

Smith F., M.A. and Brotherton J. Note on the performance in flight of the German jet-propelled aircraft Messerschmitt 262, Heinkel 162, and Arado 234. Royal Aircraft Establishment, Farnborough. October 1945.

Secondary:

Brown, Eric Melrose. Wings of the Luftwaffe. Hikoki, 2010.

Douglas, Calum E. Secret Horsepower Race: Second World War Fighter Aircraft Engine Development on the Western Front. TEMPEST, 2020.

Green, William. The Warplanes of the Third Reich. Doubleday & Company. 1970.

Harmann, Dietmar. Focke-Wulf Ta 152 the Story of the Luftwaffe’s Late-war, High-Altitude Fighter. Schiffer Military History. 1999.

Smith, J. & Creek, Eddie. Focke-Wulf Fw 190, Vol. 3: 1944-1945. Specialty Pr Pub & Wholesalers. 2015.

Smith, J. & Creek, Eddie. Me 262 Volume Two. Crecy Publishing. 2007.

Weal, John. Focke-Wulf Fw 190 Aces of the Western Front. Osprey Publishing. 1996.

Messerschmitt Bf 109G-1,3,5: Pressurized, High Altitude Series

Nazi flag Nazi Germany (1942)

High Altitude Fighter – Reconnaissance

Approximately 690 Built

The small compressor scoop behind the inertial starter is among the only features to differentiate this G-5 from its unpressurized counterpart. (asisbiz)

Introduction:

The end of the battle of Britain was the beginning of an escalating air war which would claim nearly all of Europe as its theater. While neither air force could be said to claim the Channel in its entirety, low level fighter sweeps, tactical bombing raids, and high level photoreconnisance efforts would be conducted with ever more sophisticated methods and technology over the coming years. High flying recon planes, in particular, would prove the most challenging to combat, as specialized aircraft, like the Ju 86p, began to appear alongside ever faster fighter planes equipped with cameras. With the air war quite literally being taken to new heights, it would take a considerable effort to modify existing fighter planes to enable them to deal with an enemy operating at extreme altitude. In Germany, such efforts would produce the high altitude, ‘odd numbered’ variants of the Bf 109G, which would incorporate nitrous boosting systems and pressurized cockpits to enable them to chase targets far above their unmodified counterparts.

No laughing matter

Prior to the Second World War, high altitude fighter development was a largely secondary issue, in comparison to the build up of aircraft geared for combat at low and medium altitude. The premier fighters of the battle of Britain, the Spitfire Mk I and the Bf 109E, both exemplified this, the latter possessing a single stage, two speed supercharger, and the former a single stage mechanically driven variable speed type. The performance of both aircraft declined considerably as the planes rose above six kilometers. After the battle of Britain, the once highly active theater of Western Europe became secondary to the battles waged in the Mediterranean and the East. The primary activities there soon became focused on intelligence gathering and nuisance raids; there was an escalating nightly strategic air war, however, it was largely dislocated from the efforts of both the RAF’s and Luftwaffe’s daylight forces.

The Ju 86p, with its turbocharged engines and pressurized cabin, caused great alarm among the RAF in 1940, as the peculiar looking recon plane flew at altitudes that made it nearly untouchable. (Rods warbirds)

In 1941, both sides would introduce two aircraft which would largely shape the high altitude mission, namely the Ju 86P and the DeHavilland Mosquito. Neither aircraft could be caught by the conventional models of either the Bf 109 or the Spitfire, and thus a race to design high altitude models of the fighters began. For the Germans, the process would be far more complicated, as the reduced supply of certain critical materials meant that the traditional methods of increasing performance were off the table. There was insufficient nickel for corrosion resistant exhaust valves, no tin for heavy duty bearings, and eventually, less cobalt and chromium for heat resistant alloys. On top of this, a transition to synthetic fuels would further complicate matters. While the Battle of Britain-era Bf 109E could boast of both good performance and reliability, its succeeding F model would be plagued by a number of issues, and its increased performance was accompanied with horrible mechanical reliability. In short, nickel poor exhaust valves corroded and failed and the untested C3 synthetic fuel degraded in rubber fuel tanks and escaped into the oil system. Fuel escaping into the oil system was common on most aircraft, but it often happened in small quantities that were subsequently boiled off. The droplets which failed to aerosolize in the DB 601N tended to be of a larger than normal volume, and combined with Daimler Benz engines running cooler than most, they often failed to boil off.

With the new model of Bf 109 in such a sorry state, any new major modification of the engine was forgone, and boosting high altitude performance would fall on some external system. However, the Germans already possessed and employed such a system the year before. GM-1, or Goering Mixture-1, was a nitrous oxide injection system which was used to boost the high altitude performance of a late and uncommon model of the previous aircraft, the Bf 109E-7NZ. The mixture worked as a means of delivering oxygen into the engine’s combustion cycle at altitudes where the supercharger’s boost could not supply the boost pressure to run the engine at emergency power. Additionally, the mixture had the added benefit of cooling the engine when the mixture was injected at a low temperature. Carried in bottles behind the pilot’s seat, the mixture would be pumped into the compressed air circulating in the supercharger, after which it entered the manifold. Even when the supercharger was failing to produce the compression needed, any decrease in the volume of oxygen would be offset by that which was being delivered by GM-1. However, the system was not without its disadvantages. Namely, it increased the weight of the aircraft and provided only a marginal increase in power at low to medium altitudes, where a supercharger had no difficulties in providing sufficient boost to the engine. In short, GM-1 was dead weight below an engine’s full throttle height and, thus, the system had no real place on board a general use fighter plane. Transporting the mixture was also an issue, as GM-1 had to be transported either by pipeline or refrigerated trucks, after which it was transferred to smaller bottles. As it was kept cool, it could not be kept aboard a grounded aircraft and was usually loaded aboard as part of its pre-flight preparations.

Its limitations aside, it was clear that GM-1 was the only means by which the Bf 109 could achieve the much needed high altitude performance.

One Step Forward, Two Steps Back

The trouble with the Bf 109 F’s DB 601N engine would be solved mostly by the introduction of the DB 601E. The new engine switched the fuel source to the lower octane B4, its direct injection pumps were adjusted to prevent fuel drops from entering the oil system, and some of the more fragile components of the engine were redesigned. Prior to this, the Bf 109F ran at a reduced maximum output prior to the Spring of 1942. With the restriction rescinded, it was allowed for the maximum rated manifold pressure to rise from 1.3 ata to 1.42, and it could finally run at its intended, full emergency power.

The new engines were installed aboard the Bf 109F-3 and F-4, and were largely satisfactory, but the delay in achieving their full performance was considerable. The success of the new model DB 601E meant that high altitude developments could continue, and the first new model, after over a year, was the Bf 109F-4/Z. The engine was similar to the early DB 601N aboard the high altitude E-7Z, and delivered roughly the same level of performance, however, the structural and aerodynamic improvements of the F model allowed for better handling and maneuverability. Like the earlier E-7Z series high altitude fighter, there were no standardized provisions for photoreconnisance equipment. The GM-1 system too was improved and expanded on. The tanks were moved from behind the pilot into the wings, which increased the total to 100 kg. The mixture too was stored in a chilled, liquid state which increased its potential horsepower increase from +3 bhp per gram to +4.

A Bf 109E-7Z being prepared at a frontline airfield (asisbiz)

It is difficult to ascertain the success these aircraft had, as no distinction was made between F-4 subtypes for kill claims. However, an F-4 of JG 1, a unit which did possess the high altitude variant, brought down a Mosquito at high altitude on August 19, 1942. Lieutenant Gerd Scheiger engaged Mosquito W4065 on a bombing raid to Bremen, at a height of 8.8 km. Given the extreme altitude of the engagement, it is very likely the aforementioned Bf 109 was a high altitude model.

The few Bf 109F-4Zs would serve on every front with considerable success, though access to GM-1 could be problematic across the Mediterranean and on the Eastern Front. However, these troubles were nothing compared to the issues soon to arise with the aircraft’s successor. The Bf 109G series hoped to bring a much desired increase in performance with its DB 605A engine. Effectively developed by boring out the cylinders of the preceding DB 601E, its volume and compression ratios were increased considerably. Along with improvements to its supercharger, and built with a crankshaft able to handle higher RPMs, great hopes were placed on the engine. They were soon shattered. Almost as troublesome as the DB 601N, the engine faced a variety of harsh teething issues. Worst of all were its fragile, corrosion prone exhaust valves and an insufficient oil scavenge system made worse by a switch from ball to sleeve bearings. The series would not reach its potential for almost two years, as Daimler Benz worked through these issues. However, in perhaps the clearest example of the confusing and disjointed relationship between the Luftwaffe and its contractors, they failed to ensure a continuity in materials between the engines in its development branch and those being produced for the Luftwaffe. At an RLM meeting on May 19, 1942, it was revealed that the valves on the test engines had a nickel content of 14%, while those shipped to the Luftwaffe possessed only 8%. This, and similar discrepancies delayed effective testing for some time.

Ground crew performing maintenance on a Bf 109E-7Z. (Asisbiz)

Regardless of the disasters brought on by the lower quality economy alloys, and the misadventures between the Luftwaffe and its contractors, development of the high altitude Bf 109 continued apace.

Under Pressure

The new supercharger on the Bf 109G was extremely promising, and was one of the only things that really worked when the aircraft was introduced. With it, a new high altitude model and standard fighter were produced. The G-1 and 2 were largely built along the same lines as the late F-4 series, with a series of improvements to its armor and instrumentation. The G series also incorporated a series of standardized, modular Rustsatz kits, which could represent anything from bomb racks to photographic equipment. However, these initial models brough little improvement, as they were soon prohibited from running above 1.3 ata in manifold pressure, or in other words, without an emergency power setting. However, the G-1 would prove fairly innovative thanks to a number of new features.

Of the two, the G-1 was the specialized high altitude model, which would include both the ability to carry the GM-1 system, and was equipped with a pressurized cockpit. The cockpit pressurization allowed for a pilot to remain at extremely high altitudes without encountering any of the discomfort one would otherwise experience. Without these aches, pains, and numbness, a pilot was far less likely to become fatigued after long flights at extreme altitudes. The cockpit pressurization system was rudimentary, and was kept pressurized by a compressor which drew from a small scoop left and forward of the pilot. Silica pellets were also installed in the canopy and windscreen to prevent fogging. The GM-1 system too was improved, being made modular and paired with a set of fuselage racks which allowed for the fitting of a reconnaissance camera. GM-1 would also be made available to all subsequent models of the Gustav, regardless of pressurization gear.

The compressor scoop above the supercharger intake is the only major external difference between this aircraft and the non-pressurized G-2. (asisbiz)

The first of these aircraft were built in May of 1942 at the Erla plant and were subsequently handed off for testing and familiarization with Luftwaffe crews. These planes were then used by the 11th staffel of JG 2, noted as their high altitude unit, and began operations on July 17. The unit was first based in St. Pol in the Netherlands and would be assigned to the area before later being redeployed to Germany, and then to the Mediterranean in November, and then transferred to JG 53 before the end of the year. JG 5 also received a number of the planes some weeks after JG 2, the unit being assigned to various bases in Western Europe until the end of the war. Beyond these combat units, the aircraft was operated by the training units Ergänzungs-Jagdgruppe West and JG 105.

In service, the aircraft performed well. In particular, the pressurized canopy was well regarded, and performed well enough to see its inclusion in several succeeding models of the aircraft. Curiously enough, the aircraft were not reserved exclusively for high altitude use and was instead used much like the standard version of the fighter. Their use as high altitude interceptors was more typical of the European squadrons, which had the benefit of better access to GM-1. Even then, G-1’s were still sortied to engage targets at all altitudes. Among the earliest victories came on July 11,1942, when Unterofficier Herbert Biermann engaged and downed a low level Mosquito which had attacked rail traffic near the Danish town of Tonder, after a raid on the U-boat pens in Flensburg. The plane had been damaged during the raid, which undoubtedly helped the pursuing Messerschmitt.

The Up Swing

In spite of the debacle that was getting the DB 605A into service, improvements were slowly being made. Experiments with face hardened, chrome plated exhaust valves would give way to a workable solution to corrosion, and combined with added oil throwers and a new oil centrifuge, would eventually allow the plane to run at its highest power setting. The restrictions would finally be released by August 1943, over a year after the aircraft first entered service.

At the beginning of the year, the Bf 109G-3 had superseded its predecessor. The aircraft’s largest difference, apart from its engine improvements, were its larger tires. Small bulges were added to the top of the wing to accommodate the enlarged landing gear, and the larger tail wheel was now non-retractable, adding a not inconsiderable amount of drag. These changes were made to give the aircraft better ground handling and allow it to better operate out of rough airfields in the Eastern Front and the Mediterranean.

Unlike the previous model, the G-3 saw increasing use against USAAF daylight bombing raids. The raids had started small in late 1942, often against targets nearest England. By the Summer and Autumn of 1943, the raids had escalated continuously and were increasingly focused on targets within Germany. By then, the major focus was on the so called ‘panacea’ targets, which numerous war planners thought could bring an early end to the fighting. Ball bearing and aircraft assembly plants received particular attention.

Bf 109G-3s parked among non-pressurized models. (asisbiz)

The bombers of the 8th Air Force often flew at extreme heights, with B-24’s averaging about 22,000 ft, and the lighter loaded B-17 at or above 25,000. Despite being above the altitude where most Luftwaffe fighters could not sustain emergency power, this advantage, and the heavy defensive armament of these bombers, did not translate into a sufficient defense against fighters. While the high altitude Bf 109G-3’s did have the edge, it was largely unnecessary, as the Luftwaffe only made massed attacks against the formations until after the bombers had passed over the Low Countries, where their fighter cover could not follow them. Thereafter, they were harassed by all manner of fighters, from light single-engined types, to night fighters pressed into daylight use.

In the case of the Bf 109, they followed Generalmajor Adolf Galland’s recommendation. The method involved attacking bomber formations at frontal angles in massed attacks using formations no smaller than the four plane schwarm. These attacks were conducted to help cope with the somewhat inadequate armament of the Bf 109, and to reduce the likelihood of being hit by the defensive gunners of the bomber. During a frontal attack, a bomber’s pilots and engines are the most vulnerable, which is quite important considering the single 20 mm aboard the Bf 109 was regarded as inadequate for bringing down a heavy bomber and thus needed to be directed toward these critical areas. Underwing gunpods were somewhat commonly fitted, though their impact on flight performance was considerable. The real breakthrough in anti-bomber weaponry came with the 30 mm Mk 108 autocannon, though its late introduction meant supplies were tight until mid 1944. The frontal attack also ensured the highest possible closure rate with the formation, making the small fighter a much more difficult target for any defensive gunner, and allowed the fighter to strike at the bomber’s engines and cockpit.

Large scale anti-bomber tactics employed early warning radar to track bombers during their ingress into German held airspace, and after they had passed the range limitations of their escorts, the Luftwaffe tracked the formation using trailing Ju 88’s and other long range aircraft. Fighter units would be massed over radio beacons until they received the order to attack and were vectored on to the bomber formations, where they could meet them in numbers. The height of their success was seen in Autumn of 1943, when USAAF planners were hoping to accelerate their progress on Operation Pointblank, seeking to cripple the German aviation industry. On August the 17th, the 8th Air Force prepared for its largest raid yet, with 376 B-17’s dispatched to attack the ball bearing works at Schweinfurt and a Messerschmitt factory at Regensburg. Both of these facilities were located deep within Germany and most of the journey would see the B-17’s outside the area where they could be escorted. To compensate for this, the flight over Regensburg would continue over the Alps and into Allied controlled Tunisia. It was hoped that flight over the Alps would prove easy, and in the case of the Schweinfurt force, they believed that the German fighter squadrons would still be on the ground refueling after their first attacks while the bombers made their return. Both waves would be met with disaster, as the Luftwaffe would hit both forces after their escort fighters turned for home, and the Luftwaffe fighters had taken to the air again as the Schweinfurt raiders made the return trip.

Of the 376 bombers to leave England, 60 would be shot down, 176 were damaged, and 30 remained in North Africa, where they awaited repairs at the overburdened facilities in Tunisia. Losses in combat and written off airframes amounted to 31% of the dispatched force; in contrast, the Germans lost only 28 fighters. In effect, the Luftwaffe was able to effectively deny large portions of their airspace to the raiders. A stalemate in the air ensued in the following months, with new challengers further shifting the balance of power next spring.

Wilde Sau

In addition to the typical daylight squadrons, several Bf 109G-3’s and 5’s were passed on to the single engine night fighter unit JG 300, its sister squadrons 301 and 302, NJG 11, and the first staffel of the 10th Night Combat division. The new G-5 was much the same as the 3, save for its 7.92 mm guns being swapped for 13 mm ones. Originally formed as an experimental unit in the spring of 1943, JG 300 was meant to test the suitability of single engine fighters for night interception use. The initial premise of the unit was to engage RAF bombers over their targets, where the light of the fires and searchlights would make the planes more visible against the ground and cloud cover, and thus enable interception without the use of ground control and onboard radar systems. The squadron saw mixed success and was expanded upon after the bombing of Hamburg, when the RAF succeeded in spoofing the shared frequency of Wurzburg ground based and Fug 202 airborne radar systems with chaff. The Luftwaffe would recover in the span of several weeks, though the attack made the idea of radar-less night fighting alluring.

A Bf 109G-5 nightfighter of JG 300 under inspection. The reinforced canopy hood is easily discernible here, as are the window silica cartridges. (asisbiz).

The group was expanded upon with the 301st and 302nd squadrons being established. While the hope of transitioning daytime fighter squadrons to night use was deemed infeasible due to the amount of training required, the combined unit would continue its task, being joined by a staffel of the 10th Night Combat Division. The task of carrying out the interceptions over raided cities was an exceptionally dangerous one, as they shared the space with flak units, and by the end of the year, enemy night fighters.

There was also a transition away from the unguided wild boar tactics to ground directed interception in order to deal with high flying Mosquito pathfinders and bombers, which no Luftwaffe aircraft could effectively catch until the Me 262B provisional night fighter was introduced. In this role, the single engine night fighter would be directed into a fixed ‘Himmelbett’ intercept zone which covered either the approach, or departure path of the detected enemy aircraft. There, the target would be tracked by the Himmelbett zone’s dedicated radar and searchlight units while the fighter would be guided on to the target. This was an exceptionally difficult task owing to the speed of the Mosquito, and could prove exceptionally dangerous if the aircraft being chased turned out to be a night fighter. As RAF night fighters began to escalate their intruder missions, transiting to and from interception areas became much more dangerous. While the Mosquito night fighters were larger and less nimble than the Bf 109, their radar systems allowed them to catch the otherwise “blind” daylight fighter.

This matte pale gray paint scheme was intended to reduce visibility against clouds at night, it was also standard for heavier, twin engined nightfighters. (asisbiz)

The success of these units was mixed, though some extraordinarily capable pilots achieved some very impressive results. The best of them was Lt. Kurt Welter, who by the end of the war was in command of the only night fighter unit equipped with Me 262’s. On the night of August 30th, 1944, Lt. Welter flew a Bf 109 which had been vectored over the Stettin raid area. In the span of ten minutes, he attacked four Lancaster heavy bombers, two of which were later confirmed destroyed, these being 115 Squadron’s PB131 and 12 Squadrons’s PD 273, representing his 14 and 15th confirmed victories. Most pilots, however, achieved considerably less success owing to the extremely high level of flying and combat proficiency their missions demanded. Mosquito interception duties were the most difficult owing to the speed and altitude of the light bomber, which could often exceed 8 km. To aid these pilots, a number of rare Bf 109G-5’s with high altitude DB-605 AS engines were made available to these squadrons. Nonetheless, Mosquito interception remained a gamble depending on the distance at which the bomber was detected, whether a fighter could be launched fast enough to climb, and still have enough time to be vectored into its flight path.

Crowded Skies

By the end of 1943, the newest and last iteration of the high altitude series was in service. The new Bf 109G-5 now carried a pair of 13 mm MG 131’s in the place of its 7.92 mm MG 17s, this increase being installed after long standing complaints regarding the inadequacy of the machine guns in the upper cowling of the plane. The heavier guns and the enlarged cowling meant the aircraft was slower than the one it replaced. This proved fairly concerning, as no major improvements in engine output were expected for the foreseeable future. These aircraft were distributed to units on all fronts and used much like their standard, non-pressurized counterparts. Most were deployed in the strategic air defense of Germany, where they soon faced a new, and very dangerous opponent.

The P-51B Mustang appeared to be the solution to bomber offensive’s ills, being a fast, maneuverable fighter with incredible range and high altitude performance. The danger of this new threat was quickly recognized by one Generalmajor Joseph Schmidtt, who began to advocate for the need for GM-1 equipped Bf 109s to act as top cover for the previously secure massed fighter formations. In this, the aircraft proved a mostly adequate stop gap, performing much better than other models, but it still lagged behind the American P-51B and the P-47D at altitude. In short, the Bf 109 was an old airframe, operating with an engine which had become fairly outdated after significant delays in getting it to reach its highest power ratings. Even worse, many of the airframe’s changes over the years had negatively impacted its performance, especially the addition of the non-retractable tail wheel, and the enlarged upper cowling to accommodate the larger machineguns.

A pair of Bf 109G-5’s depart. (asisbiz)

However, there were still some areas of improvement. In particular, the supercharger was swapped for an enlarged version which came from the DB 603 engine. Switching the engine entirely was completely unfeasible. The Luftwaffe’s research and development could be chaotic at the best of times, and 1944 certainly was not the ideal environment for such a big risk. The bombing raids too were making their mark as, while they had failed to curtail the German aviation industry entirely, they had forced a consolidation of existing designs. In effect, German bomber production plummeted in order to bolster production of a series of fighter designs which saw very slow modification rates. The vastly expanded use of slave labor in the following months also created no shortage of trouble, with quality slipping sharply as skilled workers were increasingly drafted into the Wehrmacht, and slaves increasingly sabotaged components.

The final models of the G-5 used the DB 605AS engine, with the much larger supercharger designed to improve high altitude performance. The effort was largely successful, though only a few Bf 109G-5’s would ever be equipped with the engine. As much as pilots enjoyed the comfort of the pressurized canopy, it was an expense that Messerschmitt and their directors at the Jagerstab were no longer willing to accept. The G-5 would be the last model to carry it. The Luftwaffe’s fortunes too declined sharply, as P-51 fighter sweeps periodically attacked airfields once considered safe, and the brutal war of attrition had eroded the number of remaining experienced pilots further. Attacks on Germany’s synthetic fuel production in the summer of 1944 introduced a final, and catastrophic crisis which largely left the Luftwaffe crippled for the remainder of the war.

G-5 production was phased out entirely in June of 1944, as Messerschmitt moved to consolidate Bf 109 production with the G-14. The supply chain would however remain disjointed, as they produced models using the standard DB605A, and the high altitude DB605AS. The G-14, with its standardized, low altitude MW50 boost system, did help reduce the performance disparity at low altitudes, with the aircraft possessing an excellent rate of climb and acceleration, but high altitude performance equivalent to the best Allied fighters would elude the Bf 109 for the rest of the war.

Handling and Flight Characteristics

With a service life beyond all other fighters of the Second World War, the Bf 109 didn’t age gracefully, but in many ways it was able to keep pace with newer models. (asisbiz)

The Gustav, as with nearly all Bf 109 models, was maneuverable, but its increased weight had made it somewhat more cumbersome than its predecessors. Initially developed to be as light as possible while carrying with it a powerful engine, the continued added weight with a comparatively little increase in horsepower resulted in control harmony compared to earlier models. Test pilots noted that while aileron and rudder forces were light, while the elevator was fairly heavy, an issue which was exacerbated at high speed. While the aircraft was exceptionally nimble at low speeds, which was well aided by the wing’s leading edge slats, heavy rudder forces and stiff elevator controls severely impacted handling at high speed. At lower altitudes, the rudder forces became excessive at around 500km/h IAS, at higher altitudes, upwards of 7 km, the controls remained lighter at higher speeds and permitted better control. Dive performance was respectable, though given that the controls were nearly seized in a high speed dive, it could prove very dangerous at lower altitudes. Maximum level speed was decidedly mediocre, though the aircraft boasted a high climb rate and good acceleration thanks to its high thrust to weight ratio.The plane was otherwise stable and, by most accounts, with good level flight performance.

This Bf 109G-6/R3 cockpit is largely identical to the pressurized model. The centerline cannon has been removed. (Smithsonian)

The cockpit was both cramped and provided exceptionally poor visibility. The deep set seat, with its heavy cockpit framing, greatly restricted the pilot’s view, especially towards the forward and rear aspects. A few late production Bf 109G-5s were equipped with the improved Erla canopy, as became standard on late war 109’s, and provided much better visibility to the sides and rear of the aircraft. The cockpit was among the smallest on any fighter during the time period. Pilots often felt it claustrophobic, which is understandable considering the centerline cannon for the aircraft rested between the pilot’s shins.

Operation of the Gustav was extremely straightforward, given the high level of automation the DB 605A possessed. The engine was controlled through a series of linkages between components which adjusted one another as the pilot adjusted the throttle lever. The supercharger, radiator, propeller RPM, and mixture were all managed automatically, though manual control was also possible. The core of these linkages was the propeller RPM, which was preset to an accompanying manifold pressure. The rest of the engine largely adjusted itself around this setting. In stark contrast to this truly modern feature, the plane still had manually operated flaps, which were retained through the end of the war. The aircraft lacked traditional trim tabs. Instead, the aircraft’s trim was set on the ground to match its cruise speed. The pilot could however correct for pitch by adjusting the angle of the horizontal stabilizer. Flying the aircraft was otherwise very convenient.

The takeoff run was fairly simple and the aircraft could easily be corrected for the torque produced by the engine. Visibility was poor on the initial run up, but given the relatively controllable nature of the aircraft, it was something pilots easily adjusted to. The same cannot be said of late war versions of the 109, which possessed engine outputs upwards of +1800 PS. Landings under ideal conditions were notably very easy, though were much more difficult in poor weather or when operating from hastily constructed frontline airfields. There was some improvement after the G-1, when the tire tread was increased, but landings and ground handling required a pilot to ensure solid directional control, as the narrow landing gear base could cause trouble.

Comparison with other single engine high altitude fighters, up to the Summer of 1944

Aircraft Speed at Sea level (km/h) Maximum speed at critical altitude, unboosted (km/h) Speed at 10 km (km/h) Maximum Output (hp)
Bf 109G-1 -Mid 1942- 506 630 at 6.6 km 640 (with GM-1) 1213
Bf 109G-5 -Late 1943- 510 620 at 6.5 km 635 (with GM-1) 1454
Bf 109G-6AS -Early 1944- 506 653 at 8.3 km 630 1415
Bf 109G-5AS w/GM-1 (estimated) -Mid 1944- 660* 1415
MiG-3 (AM 35) -Early 1941- 472 621 at 7.8 km <550 1350
Spitfire HF Mk IX -Late 1943- 529 668 at 8.5 km 651 1710
Spitfire Mk XIV -End of 1943- 583 717 at 7.6 km 706 2050
P 47D-10 -Late 1943- 535 700 at 9.4 km 692 2300
P-51B-15 w/wing pylons -Early 1944- 586 685 at 7.2 km 667 1720

*It should be noted that the Spitfire Mk XIV saw service in low numbers, and was a very rare sight until almost a year after its introduction at the end of 1943. The rest of these planes were otherwise quite common.

The MiG-3 was among the most advanced Soviet fighters, though the high altitude fighter performed poorly in a theater defined by its low altitude skirmishes. (WWII photos)

Along with the Bf 109E-7Z, Mikoyan Gurevich’s MiG-3 debuted as one of the earliest high altitude fighters of the Second World War. The MiG-3’s AM-35A engine had high compression ratios and possessed a single speed supercharger which had been geared for high altitude performance. This allowed the aircraft to achieve a respectable level of performance above 7 km. It did, however, come at the steep cost of having mediocre low altitude performance, and above 8 km, its top speed fell dramatically. The aircraft also earned a reputation of being challenging to fly, a chief issue being its minimum landing speed, which was considerably higher than other Soviet fighters. Due to the lack of action at high altitudes over the Eastern Front, the aircraft was subsequently re-equipped with the AM-38 engine, for low altitude use. Production ceased early in the war, and its assembly lines were turned over to produce IL-2s.

The British followed the Germans in developing high altitude fighters with specialized boost systems. They would go on to produce a series of pressurized, liquid oxygen boosted Spitfires, operating on a very similar set of principles as the GM-1 boosted 109s. These however, did not see as widespread a use, as they were not quite as versatile or reliable, though this is not to say they were unimpressive. The Spitfire Mk VII with a Merlin 71 and LO could reach a speed of 618 km/h at an altitude of 12 kilometers. However, owing to a lack of available information, it will not be discussed in depth here.

A spitfire Mk IX and a Spitfire Mk XIV prototype. The Spitfire’s career was nearly as long as the Bf 109’s and generally speaking, aged better, thanks to access to better engines. (wwiiphotos, asisbiz)

A more versatile high altitude Spitfire also existed in the form of the HF Mk IX, which was powered by the Rolls Royce Merlin 71. This aircraft featured an intercooled engine with a two stage two speed supercharger, which provided it phenomenal high altitude performance, along with its broad elliptical wings. The addition of the second stage allows for further compression once the first stage alone reached its limit, and the use of the intercooler increases the upper limit of compression by reducing the temperature of the air entering the manifold. This allowed the engine to be run at a higher boost and was able to maintain combat power at altitudes far higher than the previous single stage 40 and 50 series Merlin engines. In comparison to the Bf 109, the engine can be could at combat power at high altitudes without needing to worry about depleting the supply of nitrous, which at most could last 22 minutes. In comparison, the Bf 109’s DB 605A, which operated using a variable speed supercharger which, while less powerful than the intercooled two stage type, lacked the performance gaps that came with the fixed gearing of the Merlin’s supercharger. In the case of the GM-1 powered series, however, there would have been a similar gap between roughly 7 and 8 km, between the aircraft’s critical altitude and the minimum height for GM-1 use. The use of GM-1 on the later DB 605AS powered Bf 109’s would have likely allowed them to exceed these high altitude Spitfires in respect to linear speed at extreme altitude. The performance figures for the Spitfire Mk XIV, equipped with the significantly more powerful Rolls Royce Griffon, speak for themselves.

The P-47 series of fighters achieved their tremendous high altitude performance through a different method entirely, turbocharging. Much of the interior space below and aft of the cockpit was taken up by a turbo supercharging system which managed to prevent any significant loss in horsepower up to 25,000 ft. The exhaust driven turbine proved a phenomenal means of attaining high altitude performance. Like the variable speed supercharger on the DB605A, the turbo-supercharger was not dependent on mechanically geared stages and thus lacked the associated performance gaps. However, a clear drawback to the system was its complexity, as in addition to the throttle and RPM levers, there was also a turbine lever. While it was possible to link the supercharger and throttle levers together on all but the early models, this was advisable only at certain altitudes. Running the turbine at higher speeds than necessary resulted in some horsepower loss. Regardless of this, many US pilots considered the P-47 far and away the best fighter above 30,000 ft. At high altitudes, where drag was minimal, and with over 2000 hp driving it, the P-47 possessed a speed and maneuverability far greater than its size might suggest possible. Further refinements to the design saw the aircraft exceed 720 km/h above 32,000 ft (~10 km).

A P-47D and P-51B.  These were the USAAF’s premier fighters over Europe and boasted tremendous high altitude performance. (Wikimedia, National Archives)

The P-51B was driven by largely the same engine as the Spitfire Mk IX and it was eventually geared with usage at medium altitude in mind. In addition to its powerful Packard Merlin, which gave good high altitude performance, what set the P-51 above most was its extremely low drag airframe and wings. Having been designed later than most of the aircraft discussed here, it had the benefit of being able to incorporate the most recent breakthroughs in aerodynamics. Most notably, the use of laminar flow theories in its wing design, its drag eliminating radiator scoop, and its superbly streamlined fuselage, made it among the most exceptional fighters of the Second World War. Its high speed maneuverability too was largely unparalleled, as the laminar flow wing gave it an exceptionally high critical mach number, and its internally sealed control surfaces ensured effective control at very high speed. While its Packard V-1650-7 engine was geared for medium altitude use, it still outpaced both the standard high altitude models of the Bf 109 and Merlin powered Spitfire. When run on 150 octane fuel, as was more or less standard by mid-summer 1944, its performance largely matched that of the Spitfire Mk XIV, though the Griffon engine gave the Spitfire an incredible edge above 30,000 ft. Only the Bf 109G’s equipped with the DB 605AM high altitude engine could give comparable high altitude performance with the Mustang. They could both keep pace with one another above around 9km, though few of the pressurized high altitude model were built.

Production

Production of the Bf 109G began with centralizing supply chains around the Messerschmitt factory in Regensburg, and the subcontracted Erla machine factory. The escalating bombing campaign in 1943 forced a dispersion of the industry, and many components were built at dispersal sites before final assembly took place at either the Regensburg plant, the one at Erla, and later, the Wiener Neustadt aircraft factory. The Bf 109 was fairly well suited to this scheme, but nowhere near as suited as the Fw 190, which made use of much more convenient sub-assemblies. By the start of 1944, the Jagerstab was established to boost fighter production further, in order to compensate for potential losses incurred by bombing raids. They were very successful in this regard; production surged, and the average construction time of a Bf 109G declined from around 5000 hours to approximately 2500. The cost, however ,was substantial. Bomber production was cut to the bone, fighter designs were frozen over long periods, and the long standing use of slave labor skyrocketed. Bf 109G production became more complex as the war went on and the number of subtypes expanded. These would grow to G-1 through 6 and a separate high altitude series of Bf 109G-5/G6-AS aircraft. There was some consolidation between the disparate models with the G-14, though the still separate standard and high altitude models continued to complicate production and supply chains.

Messerschmitt was among the first to mass implement slave labor in late 1942, when they requested and received 2,299 inmates who were forced to work at the aircraft plant at Augsburg. They subsequently requested the construction of co-location camps for the rest of their factories. This marked a transition from skilled paid workers, who were of a dwindling number due to conscription, to a largely unskilled base of prisoners who sought opportunities for sabotage. Brutal retaliation from the SS, who managed security, and a severely declining standard of living saw rates of sabotage climb heavily as the war went on. By the Autumn of mid 1944, it was fairly common to see aircraft losses attributed specifically to sabotaged components. Other unsafe corner cutting practices became more common as well, and even saw the re-use of components scavenged from downed aircraft.

Bf 109G-1 Production

Werknummer Factory Period
10299-10318 (20) Erla May to June 1942
14004-14150 (147) Regensburg February to June 1942

Bf 109G-3 Production

Werknummer Factory Period
16251-16300 (50) Regensburg January to February 1943

Bf109G-5 Production

Werknummer Factory Period
15200-16000 ( with G-6) WNF March to August 1943
26000-26400 (mixed with G-6) Erla August to September 1943
27000-27200 (mixed with G-6) Erla September to October 1943
110001-110576 (dedicated production) Erla November 1943 to June 1944
*a total of 475 G-5s were built, at least 16 converted to G-5AS/R2 recon planes at the Erla plant in Antwerp

Construction

Much like its predecessors, the Bf 109G was a fairly conventional late 1930s fighter design, which sought to install the most powerful engine in a small, lightweight airframe.  At its fore was the engine section, mounted on a steel mount with rubber vibration isolation. The engine oil cooler was mounted to the lower engine cowling, in order to give better access to the Bosch PZ 12 fuel injectors, with the section otherwise containing all of the motor associated systems save for the coolant radiators and GM-1 boost system. Above the engine and on the port side was the compressor scoop for the cockpit pressure system, where it remained until the Bf 109G-5, whereafter it was moved to the starboard side and slightly ahead of the MG 131 fairing. The system consisted of the compressor equipped with a relief valve, an air filter, a three way cock, a pressurizing valve, a negative pressure relief valve, a compensating valve, a pressure line, and removable silica gel cartridges. These components were distributed around the engine and canopy. The system proved fairly robust and was a much welcomed addition to the aircraft. The rest of the fuselage followed a largely conventional semi-monocoque construction, aside from the landing gear, which was mounted to the fuselage and swung inward when deployed. On the G-3, the tires were increased by a width of roughly a centimeter, such that they possessed a tread of 16 cm and a diameter of 66 cm. The associated bumps on the wing tops are the only external feature that allow differentiation between it and G-1. The control surfaces at the rear of the fuselage were operated through a standard cable linkage and were fabric skinned. The incidence of the horizontal stabilizer was adjustable in flight to set the pitch of the aircraft.

Control surface and flap rigging on the Bf 109G. (Bf 109 G-2 (mit Motor DB 605) [Bedienungsvorschrift] (1942))
The cockpit was seated deep within the fuselage, in order to reduce the frontal windscreen area, though this choice drastically decreased the pilot’s visibility. The thick canopy framing made this issue worse, especially on the pressurized aircraft, which possessed reinforced beams and a non-removable armored seatback formed the rear of the pressurized canopy hood. The cockpit itself was noted as quite cramped by virtually all who flew it, offering little in the way of headspace and shoulder room, and made all the more claustrophobic by the lack of adjustable rudder pedals. At the front of the canopy was an integral 60 mm armor glass windscreen. As with the rest of the canopy frame, it contained silica to prevent condensation at low altitudes, which could then cause icing higher up. Several Bf 109G-5AS aircraft received higher visibility Erla canopies, though they lost their pressurized features. The layout of the instrumentation was clean if dense, though the pilot was aided by a high level of automation, which meant he could largely fly the plane through just the throttle lever. Raising or lowering the flaps and adjusting the stabilizer was done manually through a pair of wheels at the pilot’s left.

The plane’s elliptical wings were attached to the fuselage through a main, centerline bracket and possessed only a single mid wing spar. Connections for the hydraulic lines, which drove the flaps and landing gear, and radiator coolant lines, connected automatically when the wings were bolted to the fuselage. Each wing possessed a radiator located inboard, with airflow controlled by two outlet covers at the rear of the radiator matrix. These covers moved along with the outboard section of flaps when the plane was adjusted for takeoff and landing. The outermost rear section contained the fabric skinned ailerons. The leading edge of the wing had a slat which would extend during hard maneuvers and improve the turning abilities of the aircraft. These could prove troublesome on earlier models in regards to unwarranted deployment and jamming in place, but had been worked out by the G model.

The GM-1 system consisted of the nitrous bottles, compressed air, and the control system. On the Bf 109G, the system existed as part of a Rustzustand or Umbausatz kit which could be installed at a Luftwaffe field workshop or maintenance center, in the latter’s case. The pressurized models shared this with the standardized models, however, they differed in that the glass-wool insulated nitrous bottles were installed in the port wing, instead of in the fuselage, behind the pilot. Later models could have the tanks stored in either position. The GM-1 was kept in a chilled liquid state, which was found to provide a higher boost effect, providing +4 bhp per second per gram over the gaseous +3 bhp. The total volume of the bottles was 115 L, not counting the compressed air which was used to force the mixture through the system. The chilled nature of the nitrous did, however, bring a drawback in that it was released as it warmed and evaporated. An aircraft would need to have its tanks filled immediately before take off in order to have the longest duration. The boost could be maintained up to 22 minutes if the tanks were filled immediately before flight, falling to 19 minutes in the winter and 16 in the summer if the aircraft departed twelve hours later. In the summer, all of the GM-1 could be expended if the aircraft was left parked for two days. The weight of the entire system was considerable, at roughly 100 kg.

Use of GM-1 on the DB605A was prohibited below 8 km, where it provided little benefit, and below which the system was mostly dead weight. With the larger supercharger on the DB 605 AS, this height increased to 10 km. In the cockpit, the pilot possessed a pressure gauge and an on and off switch to control the system. Once activated, it took up to five minutes to have the greatest effect, whereafter the pilot could turn the system on or off as they pleased. At the initial activation height, the mixture could boost the top speed of an equipped Bf 109 by approximately 30 km/h and recover as much as 300 PS at high altitude.

A DB 605A mounted in a preserved Bf 109G-6. (wikimedia)

The Bf 109G-3 through G-5 carried either the DB 605A or high altitude DB 605AS, both being an inverted, 35.7 liter, V-12. The reason for it being inverted was to ensure the propeller shaft was as low as possible. This would enable the low mounted, centerline cannon to fire through the eye of the engine without its recoil seriously jeopardizing the aircraft’s stability. This was achieved through the use of direct fuel injection, which was fairly common practice in German aviation by the start of the war, though rare elsewhere. The engine also possessed a high level of automation, which let the pilot manage the engine and most of its associated systems just through the throttle lever. These were essentially a series of linkages between components that adjusted one another as the pilot increased or decreased engine power. It did not possess a true engine control unit, as was used in the BMW 801. Additionally, the engine used a single stage, variable speed, centrifugal supercharger which was mechanically driven by the engine and used a hydraulic coupling for variable transmission. The fluid coupling supercharger automatically adjusted itself via barometric control and was easily the most impressive feature of the engine, allowing it to smoothly adjust its boost as it climbed or descended. This allowed the aircraft to avoid the performance gaps otherwise encountered with engines using fixed speed settings. The engine used B4, which was originally 87 octane, as most of the C3 high performance stocks were dedicated to squadrons flying Fw 190s.

In spite of these innovative features, the engine’s performance was fairly modest for its day. It produced up to 1475 PS, though this was only possible after several major modifications which saw the replacement of the original exhaust valves for chrome plated sets, among other major modifications. The system also had its oil system improved through the use of additional oil throwers to improve flow, and an oil centrifuge to address issues with foaming. Between 1942 and late ‘43, the high power settings on almost all of these engines were disabled in order to keep failure rates manageable. The supercharger too would eventually lag behind its contemporaries, as despite its smoothness, its volume became a bottleneck. This was most apparent in any comparison to the two-stage, intercooled models of the Merlin engine. Some later models would mount an enlarged supercharger with 30% greater volume, derived from the larger DB 603. Nearly all would be equipped with an anti-knock boost system in the form of MW50 by the summer of 1944, which would boost output up to 1800 PS, though the corrosive mixture of methanol and water decreased the engine’s lifespan. Engines with the larger supercharger were designated DB 605AS, those with the boost system 605M, and those with both were 605ASMs. Several Bf 109G-5’s were fitted with the high altitude engine, though none received the low altitude boost system, for obvious reasons.

The engine measured 101.1 × 71.9 × 174 cm, had a bore and stroke of 154 mm (6.1 in.) x 160 mm (6.3 in.), and weighed 745 kg (1,642 lb). Two coolant header tanks were set to either side of the engine, while the oil tank was placed at the front. Compression ratios were 7.5/7.3:1 (left and right blocks) with B4 aviation gasoline, ratios were different using C3 fuel, though this was not used aboard this series of fighters.

Armament profile for the Bf 109G-5. Unlike the standard Bf 109G-6, it could not mount a 30 mm Mk108 cannon. (Bf 109 G-5,6 D(Luft)T 2109 G-5,6 Wa, Bedienvorschrift Wa(1943))

Early models were equipped with a pair of MG17 7.92 mm machine guns and a single, centerline MG151/20 autocannon. On the G-5, the MG17s were swapped for 13 mm MG131 heavy machine guns, which both provided a heavier armor piercing bullet, and a round with a small explosive core. While the standard G-6 could carry a centerline 30 mm autocannon, the modification was not available for any of the high altitude fighters. This was likely due to the necessary changes in the canopy required for mounting the larger weapon, which may have been incompatible with the pressurized model. As a firing platform, the 109G was excellent, especially in that all its weapons were placed at the center of the aircraft and thus required minimal adjustments for weapon convergence. However, the aircraft was very lightly armed, especially on the MG17 equipped models. Many pilots considered the armament inadequate, and the addition of supplementary underwing guns severely hampered the aircraft’s performance. These sentiments went as high as the General of Fighters, Lt. General Adolf Galland.

Conclusion

A surviving Bf 109G-1 at the Norwegian Air Museum at Sola. The other remaining aircraft is a G-5 at the Dutch Air Museum at Steppe. (Flyhistorisk Museum Sola)

The pressurized models of the Bf 109G proved to be an expedient means of boosting the performance of high altitude squadrons. The pressurized canopy, while later seen as an expensive luxury, was well appreciated by pilots who often flew at great heights on interception and photorecononniance missions. As with their standard counterparts, the series was handicapped considerably by the limitations and troublesome DB 605A. While the aircraft offered good performance for 1943, without any substantive increase in power, the pressurized Gustav series fighters began to lag considerably behind their Allied opponents the following year.

Bf 109G-1 configuration (shared with G-2) Modification type Specification
Bf 109G-1/R 1 Rüstsatz Mid fuselage bomb rack. ETC 500 or Schloss 503 A-1.
Bf 109G-1/R 2 Rüstsatz ETC 50 rack for four SC 50 bombs
Bf 109G-1/R 3 Rüstsatz 300 liter centerline drop tank
Bf 109G-1/R 4 Rüstsatz SD-2 cluster munition dispenser rack, 24 SD-2 submunitions
Bf 109G-1/R 6 Rüstsatz Two underwing MG 151/20 cannons
Bf 109G-1/R2 Rüstzustand GM-1 high altitude boost system, fuselage racks for camera fitting
Bf 109G-3 Configuration (shared with G-4) Modification type Specification
Bf 109G-3/R 1 Rüstsatz Mid fuselage bomb rack. ETC 500 or Schloss 503 A-1.
Bf 109G-3/R 2 Rüstsatz ETC 50 rack for four SC 50 bombs
Bf 109G-3/R 3 Rüstsatz 300 liter centerline drop tank
Bf 109G-3/R 6 Rüstsatz Two underwing MG 151/20 cannons
Bf 109G-3/R1 Rüstzustand Two wing mounts for 300 liter drop tanks and an ETC 500 rack
Bf 109G-3/R2 Rüstzustand GM 1 high altitude boost system, fuselage racks for camera fitting
Bf 109G-3/R3 Rüstzustand Reconnaissance aircraft conversion: Two drop tank pylons, machine guns removed, fuselage camera being either Rb 75/30 or Rb 50/30.
Bf 109G-3/U2 Umbausatz Alternate GM-1 fitting, no camera provisions
Bf 109G-5 configuration (shared with G-6) Modification type Specification
Bf 109G-5/R 1 Rüstsatz Mid fuselage bomb rack. ETC 500 or Schloss 503 A-1.
Bf 109G-5/R 2 Rüstsatz ETC 50 rack for four SC 50 bombs
Bf 109G-5/R 3 Rüstsatz 300 liter centerline drop tank
Bf 109G-5/R 4 Rüstsatz SD-2 cluster munition dispenser rack, 24 SD-2 submunitions
Bf 109G-5/R 6 Rüstsatz Two underwing MG 151/20 cannons
Bf 109G-5/R 7 Rüstsatz PR 16 radio direction finding gear, designation not usually applied
Bf 109G-5/U2 Umbausatz GM-1 boost system
Bf 109G-5/R2 Rüstzustand Rb 50/30 camera fitted

*Rüstsatz kits are removable on a mission basis, Rüstzustand are installed at workshops, Umbausatz are kits that are built into an aircraft at the factory or a maintenance and recovery center.

Aircraft with FuG 16y radio sets, for command aircraft, received a -y suffix. For example, Bf 109G-5y/U2/R 3 would be a fighter equipped with a radio set for ground control, GM-1, and an external fuel rack.

Bf 109G-1 Specification
Engine DB 605A
Output 1475 PS
Gross Weight 3050 kg
empty weight
Combat Range (internal fuel only) 668 km
Maximum speed (prior to downrating) 660 km/h at 7 km
Armament 2x 7.92 mm MG 17, 1x 20 mm MG 151/20
Crew Pilot
Length m 8.84
Height (without propeller) m 2.6
Wingspan m 9.924
Wing Area m2 21.6
Bf 109G-5 Specification
Engine DB 605A, DB 605 AS
Output (DB 605 AS) 1475 PS (1415 PS)
Gross Weight 3350 kg
Empty weight 2543 kg
Combat Range (internal fuel only) 625 km
Maximum speed (DB 605 AS) 630 km/h at 6.5 km (650 km/h at 8.5 km)
Armament 2x 13 mm MG 131, 1x 20 mm MG 151/20
Crew Pilot
Length m 8.84
Height (without propeller) m 2.6
Wingspan m 9.924
Wing Area m2 21.6
Plane In use with
Bf 109G-1 I/JG2, 11./JG2, 11./JG26, II./JG51, JG 53,
Bf 109G-3 11./JG 2, 11./JG26, I./JG1 (later II./JG11)
Bf 109G-5 III./JG 1, II./JG 2, I.& II./JG3, II./JG11, III./JG 26, II./JG27, I./JG300, I.&II./JG302, II./JG 11, II.&III./EJG 1, NAG 2, NAG 12, NAG 13, (F)/123

Credits

  • Article written by Henry H.
  • Edited by  Henry H. and Stan L.
  • Ported by Henry H.
  • Illustrated by Hansclaw

Illustration:

Bf 109G-1 of JG2 flown by Julius Meimberg, WNr-14063 Poix, France November 1942.  The G-1 was beset with serious teething issues, but even with engine restrictions, its high altitude performance was exceptional for its day. The G-3 saw these limitations removed, though its tail wheel was non-retractable. It should be noted that the tail wheel on this G-1 was semi-retractable.
Bf 109G-5, 1944. The G-5 was better armed than its predecessors with its 13mm machineguns, but this came at the cost of added weight and drag.
Bf 109G-5, JG 300, 1944. A number of G-5’s were turned over to night fighter squadrons using both Wilde Sau free roaming tactics, and Himmelbett directed interception against high altitude Mosquitos. The non-reflective, gray camouflage was also standard on twin engine night fighters.
Bf 109G-5AS of JG 5, flown by Hauptmann Theodore Weissenberger, June, 1944.  The Bf 109G-5AS incorporated a larger supercharger that required an enlarged engine cowling. Further modifications included the much improved Erla factory canopy, and a larger horizontal stabilizer and rudder. These were very rare aircraft and used mostly for reconnaissance and high altitude Mosquito interception.

Sources:

Primary:

Bf 109G-2 Flugzeug Handbuch (Stand Juni 1942).Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. November 1942.

Bf 109G-4 Flugzeug Handbuch (Stand August 1943). Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. September 1943.

Bf 109G-2 Flugzeug Handbuch (Stand August 1943). Der Reichsminister der Luftfahrt und Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe, Berlin. October 1943.

Flugzeug Flugleistungen Me 109G-Baureihen. Messerschmitt AG Augsburg. August 1943.

Daimler-Benz DB 605 Inverted V-12 Engine. National Air and Space Museum Collection. Inventory number: A19670086000.

Flugzeugmuster Bf 109 G-1 mit Motor DB 605A. Rechlin E`Stelle Erprobungsnummer 1586. 1943.

Memorandum Report on P-47D-10 Airplane, AAF No. 43-75035. Army Air Forces Material Command. Wright Field Dayton, Ohio. 11, October 1943.

The performance of Spitfire IX aircraft fitted with high and low altitude versions of the intercooled Merlin engine. Aircraft and Armament Experimental Establishment Boscombe Down. 4 March 1943

Leistungszusammenstellung Me 109G. Messerschmitt AG. Augsburg. 1 January, 1944.

Leistungen Me 109G mit DB 605 AS. Messerschmitt AG. Augsburg. 22, January 1944.

Leistungsmessung Me 109 G mit GM 1 – Zusatzeinspritzung. Messerschmitt AG. Augsburg. 21, September 1943.

Me 109 G-1. Ausführung. Messerschmitt AG. Augsburg. 21 May, 1942.

Speed vs Altitude P-51B-15 43-24777. Flight Test Engineering Branch Memo Report No. Eng-47-1749-A. 20 May 1944.

Kurz-Betriebsanleitung für Flugzeugführer und Bodenpersonal für GM 1-Anlagen in Bf 109 G. E-Stelle Rechlin R 3 a 1.

Me 109 G DIMENSIONS, WEIGHTS AND PERFORMANCE. A.I.2(g) Report No. 2142. 31, December 1942.

Spitfire F. Mk. VIII(Conv) (Prototype Mk.XIV) JF.319 (Griffon RG5SM). Aeroplane and Armament Experimental Establishment Boscombe Down. 27 October 1943.

Power Boosting By Liquid Oxygen and Nitrous Oxide Injection On Spitfire & Mosquito Aircraft Respectively. Engineering Report. Eng. 8723.

Secondary:

Douglas, Calum E. Secret Horsepower Race: Second World War Fighter Aircraft Engine Development on the Western Front. TEMPEST, 2020.

THE EFFECTS OF POOR QUALITY ASSURANCE DURING GERMAN AVIATION MANUFACTURING ON THE LUFTWAFFE DURING WORLD WAR II. MICHAEL J. GALLANT, MAJOR, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS

B.A Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida, 2006.

Radinger, W. & Otto W. Messerschmitt Bf 109F-K Development Testing Production. Schiffer Publishing. 1999.

Prien J. & Rodeike P. Messerschmitt Bf 109 F,G, &K Series An Illustrated Study. Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 1997.

Mosquito Fates, based on AirBritain files. Donated files, Mossie.org.

DELAG: The First Airline

German Empire, German Republic, Nazi Germany

9 Airliners

The airliner Hansa prepares to depart from Potsdam. (stampcircuit)

Intro:

While the age of the airship has long since passed, these aircraft were involved in a nearly 30 year battle for aerial supremacy with the airplane. This competition would lay the foundations for modern air travel and, as the railway once did, change humanity’s conceptions of space. The Zeppelins of the DELAG airline earned the honor of being the first aircraft to regularly fly passengers, and to be the first to offer transatlantic air service from Europe to the Americas. While the destruction of the Hindenburg, operated by the DZR, spelled the end for passenger airship travel, DELAG’s airships had defined modern air travel with a near spotless safety record.

The Count

Count Ferdinand von Zeppelin was born in the Grand Duchy of Baden in 1838 as the second of three brothers to a fairly unremarkable aristocratic family. His father was an aristocratic native of the region and his mother being of French-Swiss descent. As a child, Ferdinand was educated by a tutor hired by his family before joining the Army at age 15 in 1858. He saw no action in the Franco-Austrian war in 1859, and in the peace before the Kingdom was embroiled in the wars of German unification, Zeppelin would continue his education. He took courses at the Stuttgart Polytechnic institute, the University of Tubingen, and the Royal War College. Zeppelin was an odd character, traditional, curious, fascinated with machines, and equal parts ambitious and stubborn.

He was far more adept in terms of his technical knowledge than other aristocrats, with engineering typically being reserved for young men of the middle class. Zeppelin, however, could not be considered a true engineer owing to the broadness of his studies. His formal education would end in 1861 when he began to travel Europe at the behest of the Army, observing the armies of foreign nations. He would travel to Austria, Italy, and France before finally making his way to the Americas, then embroiled in civil war.

Count Zeppelin during his time with the Union Army, pictured center. (wikiwand)

This journey, however, was a personal venture, the young Lieutenant Zeppelin having taken leave to see the conflict. He would arrive in Washington DC in 1863 where he acquired permission to travel with the Union Army after a meeting with President Lincoln. Zeppelin soon found himself in the headquarters of the Army of the Potomac in May, and was disappointed soon after. In short, apart from an impromptu escape from a Confederate cavalry patrol in Ashley Gap, Virginia, his experiences with the Union army were dull and uninformative. He felt that their ways of fighting were clumsy and dated, and that the openness and frankness of officers with their superiors was unprofessional and unwarranted. It seemed the entirety of the trip seemed a loss, militarily he found no new lessons or methods to be found with the Army of the Potomac. This was until he encountered Professor John Steiner, an aeronaut who formerly flew as a balloon observer in the service of the Union army.

By this time, the balloon had become a valuable, though uncommon, tool of the Union army, and a ride for thrill seekers. Steiner flew his balloon the ‘Hercules’ for the public after serving with the Union’s balloon corps. The Bavarian born aeronaut met Zeppelin in Saint Louis during the former’s diversion to see the Great Lakes. The two had very little in common apart from their first language and an interest in technology, which quickly sparked a long conversation over balloons and their operation. They spoke of the difficulties and limitations of the existing spherical balloon, which had to be tethered, lest it be carried off by the wind, and was almost impossible to keep them oriented in anything but the most mild weather.

With the end of their conversation, Zeppelin was eager to set off in the balloon. So eager in fact, that he purchased much of Saint Louis’ supply of coal gas to ensure his fight, to the annoyance of its residents. The two took to the sky on August 19, 1863, rising to around 55 meters. In the air, Zeppelin was not amazed or awestruck by the feeling of flight, in fact he never would be, but he saw in it both an immense promise and a series of problems to be solved. To the aerial observer, every detail of the landscape was revealed, and to a military man like Zeppelin, its value was evident and extraordinary. However, it wasn’t without its drawbacks. To his frustration, the balloon had to remain tethered, as uncertain winds could take the balloon any number of directions and Steiner didn’t believe they had enough coal gas for a long flight. The two would part ways after the flight; Steiner would later design and build his own portable hydrogen generator, and Zeppelin would return to Württemberg to resume his service with the army.

Zeppelin wouldn’t fly again for forty years and by the time he had returned home, he had largely thought the issues surrounding balloon flight were yet unsolvable. The Lieutenant would return to his homeland facing the Prussians, who were then seeking to establish their hegemony over their neighbors in a new central German state. Zeppelin was promoted to Captain and an aide-de-camp to the King in 1866. He would see no action, and witnessed the loss of the Austrian led coalition. Zeppelin remained in the army after the loss and was later married to baroness Isabella von Wolff.

With the start of the Franco-Prussian war, Captain Zeppelin was once again called into service, and with some good fortune, placed back on the path to aeronautics. Zeppelin would see action in this war, in the form of a daring, if brutal cavalry mission which saw everyone in his unit except him, killed or captured. He was subsequently honored by his homeland of Württemberg, and met with a decidedly cold reception by the Prussians, with whom he had developed a growing antipathy towards. However, Zeppelin’s key moment of the war came at the outskirts of Paris.

The Neptune was the first balloon to fly out of Paris, photographed here on 23 September 1870. (wikimedia)

When the war had been decidedly lost for the French, the capital remained a brave, but doomed, holdout. As Zeppelin waited on the outskirts of the city with the rest of the Prussian-led coalition, he noted the many balloons that departed the city. Numerous French aeronauts made flights out of the city, carrying news and letters out with them. Zeppelin once again saw the drawbacks of the balloons, the wind drew them in random directions, though most landed in friendly territory. He would still regard the balloon as questionable at best, and though he would take note of their ability to drift over the blockade safely, he lamented that they were totally unnavigable.

After the war Zeppelin remained with the army, being given command of the 15th Schleswig-Holstein Uhlans. For many years, he expected that this would be the end to the most exciting chapters of his life and prepared himself for a relaxing, if uneventful retirement. In all likelihood this would have happened, had it not been for a riding accident on March 18, 1874 (Robinson 9-13, Rose 3-12).

The Dream

After a particularly violent fall from his horse, Zeppelin was placed on several weeks of sick leave. During his recovery a fellow staff officer had come to deliver his well wishes, and some reading material, which included a pamphlet from the head of the new Imperial Post Office entitled World Postal Services and Airship Travel. The pamphlet, and a subsequent lecture Zeppelin attended, would set his imagination running. Soon he would begin accumulating basic airship concepts, though these early ideas proved very crude. Such was the case for a large airship which controlled its altitude solely through dynamic lift, and no ballast. However, from this early point he would also conceptualize the use of a rigid hull formed from rings and longitudinal beams which would contain a number of individual gas cells. Several features, like propulsion, were simply omitted as they had not yet been developed. It is curious that Zeppelin conceived of his first vessels without a way to move them, but in a period of such rapid technological development as the late 19th century, it was not an unreasonable assumption that the problem would be solved soon enough (Robinson 14). In Zeppelin’s case, the ‘suitable prime mover’ that his first concept used, materialized in less than a decade when Daimler produced the first series of reliable gasoline internal combustion engines.

Perhaps most crucially of all, Zeppelin understood the airship would operate as a series of independent components which could be developed, and improved upon separately. Its hull structure, gas cells, control systems, and propulsion could and would be developed in turn.

These developments, however, would be stalled for some years following the birth of his daughter, Hella, and his return to military service. This hiatus would only end with the end of the Count’s military career. By this time, the German Empire had only existed for some few years, and its second sovereign, Wilhelm II, was defined mostly by his insecurities and petulence. His greatest irritation were those in the Empire who still held to their regional identities and allegiances to their local Kingdoms and Duchies, over the Prussian dominated Empire. In this way Zeppelin found himself labeled a ‘peculiarist’ by the Emperor after he submitted a report in which he wished that the Army of Wurttemberg would retain a degree of autonomy and that its King not simply become a rubber stamp for the governing of the Empire. These sentiments instantly made him an enemy of the Emperor, and despite a glowing review from General Von Heuduck after the Imperial War Games of 1890, he was dressed down by the Prussian General Von Kleist in front of his fellow officers (Rose 19). At fifty two, his career was over and in its place was a desire to restore his name and all the time he needed to pursue what he’d set aside years ago, building airships.

Following his forced retirement, Zeppelin soon confined himself to private study on pursuing the airship. However, beyond his desire for restoring his name, he also worked against what he saw was the newest and greatest threat to Germany, French airships. Having previously written to the king of Wurttemberg over the success of the airship La France in 1887, he was now focused on designing an aerial warship to combat it. With his declaration of ‘help me build the airship for Germany’s defense and security!’ he established his own airship development firm in 1891 (Robinson 15).

La France was an impressive airship of its day, and inspired a panic in certain military circles. (wikimedia)

Zeppelin’s firm rapidly sent out requests for engineers, manufacturers, and workers to begin his work. Additionally, he also began a correspondence with General Alfred von Schlieffen, who directed him to the Prussian Aeronautic Battalion, the best hope for getting military interest in the airship. Zeppelin’s contact with Capt. Rudolf von Tschudi of the PAB was cordial, but to found he would need to provide an approved design before funding would be forthcoming for the project (Robinson 15). Zeppelin’s first major design was led by Theodore Kober, a twenty-four year old engineer formerly employed by the Riedinger balloon factory. It was almost entirely unworkable, with the two being far too inexperienced to carry out the project successfully. The airship was designed with a layout akin to a train, with a locomotive section at its front, being 117 m in diameter, 5.5 m in length, and with a volume of 9514 cubic meters. When the design was reviewed on March 10, 1894, Cpt. Hans Gross and Maj. Stephan von Neiber of the PAB, and Muller-Breslau of the technical college at Charlottenburg, would point out the design was unworkable for countless reasons. Zeppelin refused to accept the verdict and railed against his critics, only abating when Muller-Breslau agreed to consult with him on improving the design. The resultant airship presented a length of 134 m with a 13 m diameter, its hull was cigar shaped, and its hemispherical ends were replaced with tapering ones. Despite being at first very grateful for Muller-Breslau’s much needed assistance, Zeppelin never openly credited him for his work. Zeppelin would prove a difficult man to work with, and for Breslau, this was likely a better outcome as the count often took criticism very personally and rarely, if ever, forgave a slight. Zeppelin would harbor an intense and abiding hatred in the aforementioned Capt., later major, Hans Gross, who among other things, openly supported an unsubstantiated rumor that Zeppelin had appropriated the work of the then deceased aviator, David Schwartz. A duel between the two men was only stopped by the Emperor’s intervention (Robinson 22 Rose 50).

With the shape of the airship decided, what lay ahead were the no less important practical duties of building the firm’s manufacturing base, and finances. In short, Zeppelin’s airship was to be paid for mostly by his own fundraising efforts, with his joint stock company being established in 1898, to which he paid 300,000 of the 800,000 raised. The airship’s engines were among the first major steps forward for the program, with the Count having been in contact with the up and coming Wilhelm Maybach of DMG. The correspondence between the two would result in Zeppelin’s access to the new Phoenix engine, a two cylinder engine which included a spray-nozzle carburetor and a camshaft for controlling the exhaust valves. The lightweight engine was among the most advanced internal combustion engines in the world at the time, and by 1900 it would produce 16 horsepower. The engine however, was not so much as chosen for the project, as to boost the confidence in the effort overall, as the final design would use a different model. The design team was also shaken up with Kober’s departure after the airship’s redesign, Zeppelin was fond of the optimistic young engineer, but recognized that his inexperience made it impossible to head the project. In his place came Ludwig Dürr, a solitary, humorless, 22 year old engineer. Dürr was initially derided for his eccentricities, but his talents soon revealed themselves and he outshone everyone at the firm. Such were his abilities that he became the only employee to openly disagree with Zeppelin (Rose 54). In this first project however, his tasks were focused on the fabrication and construction of the airship, most of which had already been designed when he arrived at the firm.

Possessing the best power plants available, a workable design proposal, and a very capable engineer to head the project, Zeppelin prepared to begin the work itself. The site of construction and testing was to be Manzell, Baden-Württemberg, which sat on the Bodensee, a serene lake whose shores were spread between Austria, Germany, and Switzerland. The final construction and housing of the airship was to be done within a floating hangar on the lake. Zeppelin believed water landings were much safer, and the hangar, which was to be anchored at only one end, would be able to turn with the wind, which was a considerable safety feature. At the time, the hangar was the largest wooden building in the world, which amusingly enough, was secured only by a chain which anchored it to a 41 ton concrete slab at the bottom of the lake. Construction began on June 17, 1898 with components arriving from across Germany. The airship’s aluminum frame was supplied by the Berg factory in Ludenscheid, its gas cells came from the August Riedinger balloon factory in Augsburg, the engines were shipped in from the Daimler works at Carnstatt, its gas storage tanks came from the Rhine Metal works, and its hydrogen came from the Griesheim-Elektron chemical company from the city which was its namesake (Robinson 23, Rose 54).

Humble Beginnings

Zeppelin’s airships were first assembled ashore before being delivered and reassembled in the floating hangar. (wikimedia)

The construction of Luftschiff Zeppelin 1 was an arduous task which took almost two years. Zeppelin himself was involved in ensuring nearly every part of the vessel matched its specifications and that the components he was shipped were of acceptable quality. Safety was a top priority, one that kept the 62 year old count at the firm ten hours a day for nearly the entire duration of the construction process. When completed, the airship measured 128 m and 11.7 m in diameter, its hull was composed of 24 longitudinal beams connecting 16 rings, each composed of 24 beams which were bolted together and supported by bracing cables. This hull framework was made of aluminum, which easily made it the most expensive component, as the mass production of aluminum was not yet economical. Its lift and altitude control was achieved by means of 17 cylindrical hydrogen cells with a combined volume of 11298 cubic meters, in combination with water ballast. To propel it, the airship carried a pair of Daimler 4 cylinder gasoline engines which each produced 14.2 horsepower, and were connected to two pairs of two bladed propellers through a set of bevel gears and shafts. These engines were carried in a pair of aluminum control cars in which the crew sat, with the forward car equipped with controls for the gas cells and the airship’s few control surfaces.

Controlling the airship was done through two pairs of small rudders, placed fore and aft along the sides of the airship. To control its pitch, there was a weight placed along the narrow walkway between the control cars, which was manually winched between the two to achieve the desired pitch. Climbing was achieved entirely through dumping ballast and some small degree of dynamic lift as the airship was being propelled forward (Robinson 24, Curtis).

“It was an exciting moment. When the first command to let go the cable sounded from the raft, and the airship, which, up until then, had been held by the hands of the firemen, laborers, and soldiers, rose slowly into the air, and suddenly, at the height of 25 meters was released and soared upward” -Captain-Lieutenant D. Von Bethge, steamship inspector. (Curtis 9) (wikimedia)

The long awaited flight was primed for July, 1900, with the airship being floated at the end of June. Given that only a handful of aviators worldwide had any experience in controlled flight, Zeppelin himself would take the controls. When conditions were prime on July 2nd, the airship was withdrawn from its hangar before the waiting shoreline crowd and a number of onlookers who had arrived in their boats. Along with the more casual onlookers was the head of the PAB, Bart von Sigsfeld. Before all of them, Zeppelin took off his hat and led the crowd in a short prayer before he took a boat to the airship.

Zeppelin was joined in the front car by one of his company’s own mechanics, Eisele, and a personal friend and physicist, Baron Maximillian von Bassus. The rear car would seat the journalist and world traveler Eugene Wolff along with Gross, a Zeppelin company mechanic. The airship was untethered at around 8 in the morning where it was soon trimmed to level flight. The entire flight lasted some 18 minutes, and was cut short by the trimming weight becoming jammed, and the failure of an engine, though neither proved dangerous as level trim could be maintained by venting hydrogen, and the second engine provided enough power for the remainder of the flight. From the floating hangar, the airship traveled to Immenstaad under favorable conditions, with the entire flight spanning around 5 and a half kilometers. Even with these impediments, Zeppelin was able to bring the ship in gently on the surface of the lake before returning to its hangar.

While the crowds were thrilled by the exhibition, the PAB’s response was mixed. While Sigsfeld was thrilled by the demonstration, the other two representatives had understood that while the airship was safe and capable of navigation, its low speed, reportedly between 13-26 kilometers per hour by journalist Hugo Eckener, left it unable to travel in anything by the most placid weather (Robinson 26, Eckener 1). Perhaps of greater concern was the structural damage the airship had sustained during its flight.

The aluminum beams which comprised LZ 1’s hull had warped during its flight, and likely made worse when the wind had pushed the airship ashore after it landed. Unfortunately, the girders had been laid in a manner similar to the first airship concept, and provided little strength against torsional forces and seemed unable to adequately support the weight of the motor-carrying control cars. The airship’s hull was bent upwards at both ends, and was clearly operating on borrowed time. It was reinforced and sent airborne again on September 24, where it flew for an hour and a half, and again for one last time on October 17, where it reached a top speed of 27.3 kilometers an hour and maneuvered well against the wind. These flights, however, failed to convince the military that LZ 1 was much more than a clumsy experiment.

Unable to sell the airship to the army, or even fly his prototype again, Zeppelin dismantled the company, sold its assets, and laid off his staff, save for a handful of specialists. However, to the stubborn Count, this represented a short hurdle to be overcome, and soon he would begin new appeals for funds and resources while the diligent Ludwig Dürr began to design the next airship (Robinson 28).

LZ-2

Even with its limited test flights, LZ 1 had much to teach Zeppelin’s firm on airship construction. Dürr would revise its hull, using triangular section girders that could resist warping in all planes, and they would be built with a zinc-copper-aluminum alloy, instead of soft aluminum. He also reduced the number of sides to each ring section and shortened the overall length of the airship. LZ 2 would be far simpler, and stronger than the first design.

The flimsy and unreliable lead trim weight would also be removed, with pitch control being achieved by added elevators. The small rudders of the first design were also improved, using several parallel sets in a ‘venetian blind arrangement’. Its engines too were massively improved, with Zeppelin having access to Daimler’s new 85 hp motors, which now drove three bladed propellers. Redesigning the airship would prove a surprisingly straightforward process, with each component, the hull, the motors, and the control systems being addressed and improved upon in turn (Robinson 28, 29; Rose 73, 74).

What would not prove as straightforward, was fundraising. While the first airship found a number of financiers, few shared Zeppelin’s stubborn optimism in working toward his second aircraft. The previously reliable Union of German Engineers had become outright hostile towards the Count after the LZ 1 failed to find buyers, and the public was mostly indifferent to the project. The private appeals, which bore a good deal of capital for the first airship began to fail too, bringing in only 8000 marks.

However, the Count would end up finding the money he needed. His prime supporter, King Wilhelm of Wurttemberg, once again came through and authorized a state lottery which brought in 124,000 marks. Surprisingly enough, the Emperor too gave support to the project, after the Kingdom of Prussia initially denied Zeppelin a lottery. He subsequently provided an additional 50,000 marks and instructed the War Ministry to rent hydrogen storage equipment to Zeppelin at low cost. Much in character for WiIlhelm II, his support came not from any generosity or personal interest in the Count, but out of a desire not to be outdone, and thus be under threat, from the new French Lebaudy airships.

The French airship program continued to worry and motivate Zeppelin, here, the LeBaudy brother’s airship, Le Jaune, glides by the Eiffel Tower in 1903. (air and space mag)

 

The remainder of the sum, amounting to about 400,000 marks, was acquired through a mortgage of his family’s properties in Livonia. Along with material assistance from some of his past clients, principally Daimler and Berg, the airship would be built. In all, funding the airship would prove a far greater challenge than designing and building it. While the design work began after LZ 1’s dismantling in 1900, construction would not begin until 1905 (Robinson 29, 30 ; Rose 75).

Zeppelin’s firm began building LZ-2 in April, 1905 at the same wooden shed that housed the first, though it had since been brought to the shoreline. It would be completed in seven months, though a towing accident would see its nose dip into the water, which resulted in damage that wouldn’t see it fly until the beginning of next year. It would seem rather peculiar that Zeppelin would launch the airship during the windiest, and thus most dangerous time of year, but his hand had been forced by world events. The Russian Empire, where his mortgaged estates were located, was crumbling, and the properties held as collateral were destroyed during the 1905 revolution. Zeppelin needed results, and so he raced to launch his airship.

LZ 2 presented a series of major improvements to  all of the former airship’s major components. (Wikimedia)

LZ 2 first took flight on January 17, 1906, with the Count once again at the controls, and accompanied by experienced balloonist Hauptman von Krogh, along with five mechanics. Wolff was prohibited from attending after criticizing the performance of the first airship. The flight was conducted extremely early in the morning, and with so little notice, one engineer, Hans Gassau, arrived wearing his slippers. While the weather was permissible, the flight got off to a rough start, as the crew dropped too much ballast water and the airship rose to some 450 m. After some ballast work, the crew achieved equilibrium and leveled off allowing the flight to begin in earnest. Almost immediately the airship demonstrated massive improvements as to its speed and controllability, with the craft reaching an estimated 40 kilometers an hour and demonstrating the ability to navigate in stiff winds.

However, in the midst of this promising flight, a serious problem arose. The airship proved longitudinally unstable, with its nose pitching up and down as it traveled at speed. This motion flooded the Daimler engines, stalling them, and to make matters even worse, the rudders jammed when resisting a harsh crosswind. LZ 2 was soon adrift over the lake, and it would be several agonizing minutes before they were overland and the airship’s drag anchor could be used. As the airship cleared the shore and drifted towards the Allgau mountain range, Zeppelin ordered the anchor dropped. The anchor found purchase in the frozen earth and the momentum of the ship drove it downwards as it resisted the anchor’s hold, bouncing against the ground and slowing it as it passed two local farms. Eventually it halted over nearby marshland, sustaining considerable damage from the ordeal. The crew dismounted the ship, tethered it at both ends, and left to return in the morning. Upon their arrival the following day, they found the ship had been torn to shreds in the night during a windstorm. Being tethered at both ends, the ship remained fixed and unable to turn with the winds, the forces warping the aluminum struts and tearing off wide sections of fabric (Robinson 30-33; Rose 77).

The stricken LZ-2, despite the violence of the crash and the exposure to high winds, its rubberized-cotton hydrogen cells were almost entirely intact. (Wikimedia)

Journalist Hugo Eckener recounted that the old Count was utterly heartbroken, and beside the wreck of his airship claimed it was the end. He ordered LZ 2 dismantled. Eckener naturally thought this the conclusion to his story, which he would continue to believe until some days later, when Count Zeppelin came to visit him. While the Count often detested most of the journalists who covered his experiments, he saw Eckener’s work, which was mostly concerned with engineering, as honest and constructive. He offered to confer with Eckener directly on future projects, and invited him to dinner several days later. Eckener rightly surmised that Zeppelin was prepared to reveal something greater at their next meeting, and he was proved correct. The Count was preparing to develop a new airship to compete with the Prussian Airship Battalion’s semi-rigid design for a new military project (Eckener 12, 13). Eckener readily joined the project both as both a publicist and a consultant, with his position to encompass more of the airship project in the coming years.

While LZ 2 can’t be regarded as more than a cumbersome and tragic project, Zeppelin wasted little time in gathering up the resources to capitalize on the intense military interest that had arisen around the airship.

The Winner

Practically undaunted from the loss of LZ 2, Zeppelin raced to produce a new airship for the army. One might think that the partial success of LZ 1 and the solo-ill fated flight of LZ 2 would have disqualified him, but at this early stage in aviation, Zeppelin was a leading pioneer in airship design. Disqualifying Zeppelin was not an option, and so, he joined the competition alongside August von Perseval, and the Count’s old rival, Gross of the Prussian Airship Battalion. His competitors produced a non-rigid, and a semi rigid airship respectively. However, by the time the Military Airship commision began, Zeppelin was the only aspirant to have already built and flown their design. In this way, he held a considerable advantage ahead of his opponents, despite the military commision being biased towards semi-rigid airships. In many ways, Zeppelin had already won the competition before it had even begun, as his immense technical advantage was cemented by his military background. With his foot in the door, Zeppelin soon received a gift of 100,000 marks from the Emperor, gained 250,000 marks from a Prussian state lottery, and a Government interest-free loan of 100,000 marks (Robinson 31; Rose 90).

LZ-3 included a series of new control surfaces, seen here in its late configuration (Wikimedia)

Zeppelin’s only real competition was the Gross-Bassenach, a fairly uninspired semi-rigid airship, as while Perseval’s blimp was fairly practical, it had very little room for further development. With Eckener’s appeals in the press adding to his credibility, all Zeppelin had to do was cross the finish line before his rivals. The race to build LZ-3 was on, and to save time it would use the same hull as its predecessor, even reusing the propellers from the wrecked airship. While the airship would be built on the same lines as LZ 2, it carried with it serious improvements in regards to propulsion, maneuverability, and its hydrogen capacity. Dürr would increase its capacity to 11428 cubic meters and fit the new ship with a set of triple box rudders, two pairs of vertical stabilizers, and two pairs of elevators. These modifications were refined at the engineer’s own homemade wind tunnel and would greatly improve the stability and maneuverability of the ship. However, the airship still lacked a set of vertical stabilizers, mostly as a result of the dated aerodynamic theories the Count still stubbornly clung to. Regardless, the new airship flew spectacularly.

On its first flight on October 9, 1906, LZ-3 traveled some 111 kilometers for two hours and seventeen minutes. It too proved fast, with a rated top speed of 39 kilometers an hour, with a highest claimed, and likely overly optimistic, speed of 53. Though perhaps more than anything, it carried eleven people aboard and possessed a maximum useful load of 2812 kilograms (Robinson 32). LZ-3 not only proved that Zeppelin’s airships were capable of navigation in windy conditions, but that they could do so when loaded with cargo. Many within the government were impressed with Zeppelin’s results, including Major Gross who, in spite of their rivalry, recommended that the Count receive additional resources for his experiments. This wave of support led Zeppelin to offer LZ 3 to the Military with a promise to build them two more airships. He also followed this deal with a series of claims so optimistic and absurd, only his finance man, Alfred Colsman, would repeat them. One such claim was that he would soon build an airship capable of transporting 500 soldiers and use heated air in place of hydrogen (Robinson 33).

The military would decline the offer, and the Interior Minister would state that the government would purchase no airship incapable of making a 24 hour long endurance flight. However the Count still had an excellent position. Zeppelin had practically beaten out his competitors and now had a good deal of confidence in military circles. Even the Emperor himself was pushing airship development both to ensure the German military stayed ahead of the French and draw attention away from a series of scandals in his court. In more practical terms, they extended him a payment of 500,000 marks to pay for a new, expanded hangar, to be dubbed the ‘Reichshalle’ (Rose92).

Seeking the military contract, Zeppelin would have LZ-3 improved with the goal of reaching the 24 hour endurance threshold. Its easily damaged forward elevators would be moved higher up to the sides of the hull, and its rudders would be placed between the horizontal stabilizers. The latter were made more effective, and enabled the airship to take off heavier thanks to dynamic lift, and the former less effective, and less responsive at lower speeds. Stability was further improved by extending the triangular keel forward and aft of the control cars.

After the move to the Reichshalle, the airship was refloated in September of 1907. Its next flight was on September 24, where it spent 4 hours and seventeen minutes over the lake. Several more flights were conducted with a number of guests including Dr. Eckener, the count’s daughter Hella von Zeppelin, Major Gross of the PAB, a Naval Representative Fregattenkapitan Mischke, and the Crown Prince. Its most impressive flight was during Mischke’s visit, when LZ 3, then piloted by Dürr and Hacker, conducted an overland flight lasting seven hours and 54 minutes, turning back when their fuel ran low. It was a notably more challenging flight, as the inconsistent air currents overland and the up and down drafts caused some concern. This was to say nothing of the 152 m altitude they flew at. In spite of the challenge, they flew some 354 km over Lake Constance followed by the Ravensburg countryside. Despite their success, they did not reach the threshold, and by the end of the year the airship was in need of new gas cells, and their supply of hydrogen, which the PAB had provided, had been fully expended. Things were not helped by a winter storm which pulled the floating hangar from its moorings and pushed it ashore, damaging LZ 3 in the process (Robinson 34-36).

LZ-3 over the Bodensee during an early point in its career (Zeppelin)

While LZ-3 did not reach the Interior Minister’s goal, it drew international attention. Despite this, the acclaim it won abroad was nothing compared to the excitement it generated across Germany. The turn of the century was a period dominated by immense technological and industrial development, where countries sought to distinguish themselves through cutting edge developments. Where Britain had its gargantuan high speed ocean liners, America, its skyscrapers, and France its groundbreaking film industry, Germany would have Zeppelin’s airships. Amateur aeronauts and students formed clubs to travel to see the airships as they glided over the Bodensee, and among the upper classes there was likewise excitement as balls were held in honor of Zeppelin’s achievement, and there was even talk of events to be held over a 300 meters in the air (Rose 96). While LZ-3 failed to meet military standards, the funds for LZ-4 would come as a matter of course. Its success was taken as inevitable, and with this in mind, LZ-3 was placed in long term storage as work on the next airship began.

LZ-4

LZ 4 at the floating hangar (Library of Congress)

Zeppelin’s next airship was once again an incremental improvement on the previous design, this new model being built to meet the 24 hour endurance requirement. Its production began shortly after LZ 3 completed its last flights for the year, with the skeletal hull of the new airship being assembled in the old floating hangar at Manzell in November 1907. Construction was finished on June 17, 1908, after it had traded places with the damaged LZ-3 in the restored Reichshalle. LZ 4 was designed to increase the endurance of its forebearer, and improve its mobility and maneuverability. It was lengthened to 136 m to accommodate a 17th hydrogen cell, increasing the total volume to 15008 cubic meters, and it received a large rudder at the nose, but this was removed after test flights revealed the arrangement to be inadequate. The gondolas too were enlarged to fit a larger 110hp Daimler motor (Zeppelin 15). A small cabin was also added along the keel, which was connected to a rooftop platform for navigation.

LZ 4 first flew on the twentieth of June, during which the airship turned so poorly that it soon made its return to the hangar, after which the aforementioned fore rudder was replaced by a large, semicircular aft rudder. The succeeding trial flights on the 23 and 29th would prove well as to convince the Count to embark on his most ambitious journey yet. Zeppelin would take his new airship over the Bodensee and across the Alps to Lucerne, Switzerland on July 1st. It proved exceptionally well, making the 386 km journey in 12 hours, setting records for both distance traveled and time spent in the air. Zeppelin’s airship traversed the picturesque, but dangerously windy Alps, and was met by crowds in the Alpine city. After a set of maneuvers to impress the crowd at the lake, LZ 4 departed for home. This was made all the more impressive as the airship traveled into a headwind on its return flight to Manzell through Zurich. Only one problem arose, this being that once the fuel in the main fuel tanks for each engine ran low, the engines had to be shut off while they were refueled from cans, leaving the airship at half power for several minutes. It would, however, prove only a minor inconvenience in the greater scope of the journey. Dr. Eckener wasted no time in working the press to promote this newest achievement, ensuring generous articles in Germany’s leading, and competing, newspapers Die Woche and the Berliner Illustrirte Zeitung. Word soon reached France, Britain, and America, though it would only be an echo of the attention Zeppelin received within Germany. A week after his return, he received over a thousand telegrams for his seventieth birthday and King Wilhelm II of Wurttemberg, his longest and steadfast supporter, awarded him the Kingdom’s gold medal for the arts and sciences (Robinson 36 Rose 102).

LZ-4 lifts off (Loc)

The Swiss voyage would prove an immense success both in proving the airship a robust means of travel over otherwise rough terrain, and as a symbol of technological accomplishment which propelled the Count and his creation onto the world stage. As one might expect, the Count was now confident enough to attempt the 24 hour endurance flight which would ensure military interest, and allow him to sell his two airships. On July 13, 1908, LZ 4 was outfitted for the long trip and departed the next day, only to have to return after a fan blade broke on the forward motor. Further delays were caused when the airship collided with the hangar, resulting in damage to its hull and hydrogen cells. The next journey to Mainz was pushed back until August 4th, where it departed with incredible fanfare.

LZ 4 left with a crew of eight, which included Dürr, its designer, the Count’s old friend Baron von Bassus, and three veteran engineers, Karl Schwarz, Wilhelm Kast, and Kamil Eduard Luburda. They departed before an immense crowd, the largest share of which came from a nearby resort. Zeppelin, rather uncharacteristically, eschewed the typical maneuvers over the lake, and instead ordered the ship to its next destination at its best speed. LZ 4 would overfly several towns to the delight of crowds who were gathered by telegraph reports and special newspaper editions. In spite of the fanfare, trouble began in the evening when the engines began to run rough around 5:24 PM. After setting down at a quiet spot near Rhine at Oppenheim, they set off again, only for a more dire failure to crop up at 1:27 the following morning. Its front engine was shot and the rear motor was sputtering and smoking, having expelled what little remaining oil was aboard. With Stuttgart tantalizingly close, Zeppelin brought the ship down outside Echterdingen, around ten and a half kilometers outside their final destination. While they waited for a team from a nearby Daimler workshop, a crowd grew.

News of the grounded airship spread fast, and soon tens of thousands had begun to move. Thousands poured through the small town on bikes, carriages, wagons, and cars with the hope of seeing the airship. In all, some fifty-five thousand would assemble to see the Count’s airship, with some even being recruited by Schwarz to set up a make-shift anchor out of a carriage to hold the airship in place. The rest of the crowd was kept to a safe distance by what policemen and soldiers could be mustered. At around noon, concerns arose as the sounds of a thunderstorm made themselves clear. These concerns were soon justified as gusts of wind soon followed and began to pull the airship away from its moorings. The gale pulled the airship around the clearing as soldiers desperately worked the mooring ropes and the Daimler mechanic became worried enough as to leap from the front engine car. Schwarz worked his way through the catwalk and began to release hydrogen to prevent the airship from being carried high and away by the storm. He succeeded, but was unable to stop the winds from carrying the airship across the field into a stand of trees. Gas cells were shredded, the framework twisted, and in an instant the ship was alight. Schwarz lept, and in a terrifying moment on the ground, found himself covered in burning net and cloth. Miraculously, the mechanic cast off the debris and crawled through the burning wreck and, in his own words, ‘ran like hell’. Apart from Schwarz, a soldier, and his fellow mechanic, Laburda had also escaped the airship. The latter was merely singed, and the former left unconscious. Fortunately, there were no fatalities and those injured received prompt medical attention (Rose 108, 109).

The aluminum from LZ-4 being carted off from the site of the accident. (Wikimedia)

 

The crowd was horrified and left utterly dumbstruck having witnessed the destruction, and forlornly surveyed the wreckage. Zeppelin and the rest of the crew were similarly dismayed, having returned to the site from their hotel in Echterdingen and finding the warped aluminum frame of the airship across a charred stretch of Earth. The future British PM David Lloyd George was among those gathered, and having traveled hoping to see the airship would only find its remains. He would state “Of course we were disappointed, but disappointment was a totally inadequate word for the agony of grief and dismay which swept over the massed Germans who witnessed the catastrophe. There was no loss of life to account for it. Hopes and ambitions far wider than those concerned with scientific and mechanical success appeared to have shared the wreck of the dirigible. Then the crowd swung into the chanting of Deutschland uber Alles with a fantastic fervor of patriotism.” (Rose 110,111).

Dejected, the Count and crew returned to their offices in Friedrichshafen. They could have hardly expected what was waiting for them there.

The Miracle

While the accident had largely reinforced the skeptics in official circles, the public was not willing to let Zeppelin’s work come to an end. In the aftermath of the tragedy, thousands began organizing donations. What had begun with an off the cuff speech by a Stuttgart merchant Manfred Franck, to rouse the public to help build Zeppelin’s next airship, had become a national phenomenon. Soon the press echoed his words and were raising thousands of marks a day, and they were not to be outdone by public and private associations who alike, sent hundreds of thousands of marks to Zeppelin AG. Those who hadn’t the money, sent clothes, food, and liquor of varying quality, and had done so in such amounts that the resort town’s post office was incapable of sorting it. Following Zeppelin’s return to his offices in Friedrichafen, he had received some 6,096,555 Marks from the public (~$25-30 Million USD 2020).

Perhaps even more bizarrely, came the Government’s response. Despite Zeppelin’s inability to perform the 24 hour flight, they were interested in purchasing the rebuilt LZ 3 and commissioning a new airship of the same design as LZ 4, to be accepted into service under the designation Z-2. The Emperor himself would soon visit the Reichshalle hangar to inspect LZ 3 and award Zeppelin with the Order of the Black Eagle, the highest order the Kingdom of Prussia could bestow. In a further and ironic twist, he was also invited to the Imperial War Games, or Kaisermanover, where he accompanied the Crown Prince (Robinson 41-43, Rose 113, 114).

 

LZ-3 was the first airship to be sold to the German Military, where it spent many years in service. (Wikimedia)

Almost impossibly, Zeppelin had been propelled far further by his greatest disaster than he had his greatest success. Zeppelin had both the love of the public and  a powerful presence in the halls of Government, and with his gifted fortune, he set off to expand the horizons of what was once a personal project. On September 3, 1908 the Count founded Luftschiffbau Zeppelin Gmbh, or Zeppelin Airshipworks Inc. What was once a small, dedicated team running out of a handful of facilities along the Bodensee, was transformed almost overnight into an industrial powerhouse. In the following years and under Colman’s direction, he founded a number of new enterprises under the parent company which would include the Maybach Motor Company in 1909, Ballon-Hullen-Gesellschaft of Berlin Tempelhof in 1912, to build hydrogen cells, Zeppelin Hallenbau of Berlin in 1913, to construct hangars, and Zahnrad-Fabrik in 1915, to build gear and drive shafts (Robinson 41, 42). At the center of all of this sat Friedrichshaven, which became the hub for all of these projects, and by 1914 the small resort town would grow to become the wealthiest city in Wurttemberg. As the headquarters for the new company, it would boast new homes for the workers, along with schools, groceries, a pub, and a performance hall. On top of all of this was a generous company life insurance policy, and free room and board for the families of workers who found themselves struggling.

In the months following the new founding of Zeppelin Airship Factory in 1908, the newly christened Z I (formerly LZ 3) was delivered to the army, where it served until 1913, along with the newly built Z II, its company designation being LZ 5. Z II was completed in May 1909 and was identical to its ill fated predecessor save for the omission of the ventral fin along the gangway, the cabin, and the installation of additional fuel tanks. Before it was delivered to the army, Zeppelin wished to demonstrate its capabilities with a 36 hour flight to Berlin. The flight began in earnest after two aborts, on May 29, 1909, and the airship proceeded through a dark and squally night on the way to Ulm. From there they once again met frenzied crowds as they traveled around Augsburg, Nuremberg, and Leipzig before having to turn back as the fuel supply was inadequate, with the flight being terminated at 21 hours. It was not, however, insufficient enough to prevent them from flying around and circling Bitterfield, the headquarters of their rival firm, Parseval. Apart from the airship receiving damage from landing on the only pear tree in a field during a night landing, which punctured the forward gas cells, they returned home with little else to remark upon. Following repairs, it was ready again on June 2, though it would not attempt a second flight before the army came to accept it on July 24. In service Z II would see no true military duties, but it would be a considerable tool for generating notoriety for the service. Its high point was a demonstration at the International Aviation Exposition held in Frankfurt am Main, in September and October of that year. Generally, the army did not consider any of the airships they were provided with suitable for general service and would not procure any more until new models were built. They would largely be proven right when Z II was shredded while grounded during a storm, with Zeppelin’s outburst over the army’s carelessness bringing his relations with them to a new low (Robinson 47, 58).

Regardless, Zeppelin sought to renew military interest with LZ 6. Once again, this airship was derived from LZ 4, though the heavy lateral driveshaft gears connecting the engines and propellers were swapped with a steel band drive to save weight, it used more powerful 115 hp engines, included passenger accommodations in the cabin, and lacked vertical stabilizing fins. A short fabric ‘rain skirt’ was also installed around the hull to prevent rain water from dripping on the occupants of the gondolas, but it was removed as the crew felt it unduly lowered the airship’s top speed (Robinson 49). Its similarities to the three previous airships was likely an influencing factor in it receiving no trial flight. Instead, Zeppelin would fly the airship straight to Berlin on its first outing for the Whitsunday holidays. Unlike his attempted flight in LZ 5, he would not be able to turn back, as he was expected to arrive at Tempelhof Field where the Emperor awaited him. He was firmly reminded of this in a series of demanding telegrams from the Emperor, something the Count would have to heed now that he was in the graces of the court.

Count Zeppelin with his airship during the Berlin trip. (Bundesarchiv)

The airship departed August 24th at the command of Dürr, the Count having recently undergone surgery and unable to make the flight until after the airship stopped to refuel at Bitterfield. Trouble arose several hours after departure, as the lighter steel band drives immediately showed themselves to be less durable than the bevel gears. A former navy man, Helmsman Hacker was able to repair the drive, but several hours later a cylinder crack stopped one of the engines. The airship stopped at Nuremberg, awaiting a mechanic from Daimler, this detour leaving them unable to depart until the 28th. Similar problems persisted with the drive bands, but the airship would make it to Berlin on the 29th, though not in the best state (Robinson 50). However, the crowds assembled there took no notice and upon landing at Tempelhof, Zeppelin shook hands with the Emperor as the crowd cheered. The Count would also meet Oliver Wright, famed American aviator and co-inventor of the airplane, though the two would see very little promise in each other’s work (Rose 120,122). The Count and LZ 6 would remain on the public tour for some weeks, and it required a good deal of work to get the airship running well again. They went so far as to borrow the propellers from the army airship Z II. After giving the first aerial tours of the city to members of the Reichstag and public officials around the country, LZ-6 would return again to the hangar at Manzell before being presented at the 1909 International Aviation Exposition at Frankfurt in September. From a temporary shed built on the grounds, the airship gave passenger flights up and down the Rhine. These flights attracted little military interest but captivated the public, and to them, it seemed that the long awaited dream of air travel had been made a reality.

LZ 6 from bellow. (Wikimedia)

LZ 6’s return would see it sent to a new tent shed at Friedrichshafen, with the former floating hangars to be dismantled. With its publicity tour over, Zeppelin sought to rebuild the airship in the hopes of selling it to the military. A third engine, a Maybach 150 hp model, was added in the former passenger cabin which was geared to a pair of hull mounted propellers, allowing it to make a new top speed of 58 km/h. This was later removed for some time after it was believed to be a fire hazard, being mounted so close to the ship’s hydrogen cells. LZ-6 would also temporarily receive an experimental radio set, though the sum of these modifications would be altered again in the spring when the ship was dismantled and rebuilt. It was lengthened by eight meters, the third engine was reintroduced in the rear engine car, and the stabilizers were reworked. The biplane stabilizers at the back were combined into a single, large stabilizer, from which the elevators and rudders hung. The aft ‘barndoor’ rudder was also removed, with a fixed, vertical stabilizing fin taking its place. In all, the ship could now make 56 mk/h and was far more stable in flight. This however, was not enough to convince the army to purchase it.

With the failure to sell more airships to the military, Zeppelin was in a bind. While the extremely generous public donations could keep him afloat for the time being, he would need to find a means of consistent income for the company. Colsman, the corporation’s finance chief, had a brilliant solution. Given the public’s incredible enthusiasm for the airships, naturally they would prove the ideal customer base, and thus he proposed the Deutsche Luftschiffahrts-Aktien-Gesselschaft (DELAG), or German Airship Transport Company. In other words, the world’s first airline.

The First Airline

Zeppelin detested the idea, as he considered his airships the weapon to make the German army unparalleled in field and to boost the prestige of the country by carrying the flag, just as the expanding German navy did. While he had once considered civilian applications for the airship in the 1890’s, years in the limelight and his rehabilitation in military circles had firmly shifted his view, to him, the airship was first and foremost a weapon. However, Zeppelin Gmbh. was not the small outfit driven by one unshakable nobleman like that which preceded it. The decision went before the board of directors, who decided in favor of the airline. DELAG was founded on November 9, 1909 with the hope of beginning operations in the summer of the following year.

The shrewd and energetic Colsman proved right, and it wasn’t long until he had amassed the three million mark starting capital and the backing of the famous Hamburg-America shipping line, who would be the primary means of ticket sales and advertisement. Many larger cities soon sent requests to be included, with the mayors of Frankfurt, Cologne, Dusseldor, Baden-Baden, Munich, Leipzig, Dresden, and Hamburg soon joining the airline’s board of directors, and with several seeing to it that airship sheds were assembled in their respective cities (Robinson 52, Eckener 15). While orders for commercial airships were placed, they proceeded to organize the first operations using LZ 6 and the newly completed LZ 7 ‘Deutschland’.

Deutschland was built along the same lines as the modified LZ-6, and was the first to carry passengers for the airline. It was a stretched design some 148 meters long with a capacity for 19,340 cubic meters of hydrogen and a useful lift of 4,990 kilograms, with up to 1,496 kilograms of that being fuel. However, its real innovations were found in the once austere sightseeing cabin. The former canvas box was now a comfortable sitting and viewing room, which was of high layer plywood construction covered in mahogany sheets with mother of pearl inlays on its pillars and ceiling beams. The carpeting and comfortable wicker furniture added to the finery, and given the length of the flights, a small galley with matching aluminum cutlery was also wisely included. Lastly, it was the first to carry a lavatory, it also being aluminum to save weight. Behind all of this were a series of aluminum struts and cables which anchored it firmly to the hull (Robinson 55, Rose 134).

The Deutschland was still very much a derivative of LZ-3, which while versatile, was dated. (Wikimedia)

It was captained by former Prussian Airship Battalion Captain Kahlenhberg, as despite the several airships flown over the years, there was no sizable pool of experienced aviators to recruit from. The foremost of these were Zeppelin himself, who could not be convinced, and Dürr, who was otherwise occupied in his role as head designer for the firm. The first flight would be to Dusseldorf, the city which managed to complete their hangar first. It was scheduled for June 28 with a passenger list of 23, mostly journalists who had been invited by Colsman. The expectation was a flight of three hours, which began after a breakfast of caviar and champagne. Unfortunately, the crew had departed without a weather report. After the failure of an engine, the ship was left floundering in higher than expected winds. Deutschland struggled for hours through turbulence, violent gusts, and rain with one officer making the mistake of telling a concerned passenger ‘we do not know what will happen.’ Captain Kahlenburg was unable to prevent the underpowered, unbalanced airship from making a crash landing in the Teutoburg forest. Thus ending the short stopover flight that became a nine hour endurance test for everyone aboard. Apart from a crewmember who made a dramatic leap from the rear gondola, and fractured his leg, there were no injuries. Understandably, the journalists’ impressions were quite poor and the airship was disassembled and shipped back to Friedrichshafen where it would be rebuilt (Robinson 56 Rose 136).

Kahlenburg was laid off, and in his place Dr. Eckener became both a pilot and head of flight operations for DELAG. His first action was to familiarize himself with airship piloting on LZ 6, making some 34 flights, though this airship was soon damaged beyond repair after a fire in its hangar. With this accident, hopes were placed on the up and coming LZ 8 Deutschland II, made mostly from the reclaimed material of the previous ship. LZ 8 was identical to its ill-fated predecessor, and was likewise as ill-fated. With Eckener at the helm on its first passenger outing, he allowed himself to be pressured by the crowd to bring out the airship in a dangerous crosswind. Deutchsland II was subsequently knocked alongside the hangar and bent out of shape. Eckener claimed this cured him of all recklessness thereafter, and he subsequently went to completely reform flight operations at DELAG (Eckener 16).

The rebuilt Deutschland was met with an end that was as embarrassing as it was avoidable, but it thankfully motivated such a strict safety regimen that DELAG never suffered such an accident again. (Wikimedia)

Dr. Eckener isolated the causes of accidents that had plagued operations thus far, and focused on ensuring that DELAG airships would be crewed by veteran airmen who would have the benefit of extensive weather reports and more reliable equipment. The board was willing to give it another try, and authorized the construction of a new, modern airship. This new ship was LZ 8 Schwaben, which was shorter, more maneuverable, had a useful capacity of 6486 kilogram, and used new 145hp Maybach engines which would prove far more reliable. It made its first, and very promising, trial flight on June 26, 1911 where it made for 75 kilometers an hour (Robinson 59). Many of these advancements came as a result of Dürr accepting a variety of new concepts from junior designers, key among these was in rejecting the continuous lengthening of airships to boost their lift, and placing a greater focus on theoretical testing and problem solving, rather than building a ship and continuously modifying it as difficulties arose.

Schwaben was the first Zeppelin to have all its control surfaces at the rear, where they would remain on all future Zeppelin airships. (SFO Museum)

Along with the new airship came a series of reforms to DELAG’s flight guidelines. Crew training was standardized and captains in particular were required to have a thorough understanding of their vessels and to have participated in 150 flights before they would be allowed to command an airliner. The training program would be so successful that the military would send their crews to train with DELAG during their off season. Some would even fly passengers during the airline’s regular service (Rose 138). These procedural improvements were to extend to the ground crews, both to improve the tricky process of moving an airship in and out of its shed, and to avoid the kinds of accidents such as the one which claimed LZ-6. In that case an unmarked can of gasoline was thrown over a fire in the hopes of dousing it. Facilities were thus overhauled and staffed with thoroughly trained professionals. Perhaps most importantly of all were the stations for meteorological reporting. Unlike Kahlenberg, future DELAG captains would benefit from near nationwide weather reports from the series of meteorological stations which captains could contact at any time over the radio. Even without the radio they would have access to wind maps which charted the typical currents over Germany and allowed captains to safely determine new courses should their first choice be unavailable. Should all else have failed, emergency depots were established along common routes where airships could stop for repairs and fuel.

In order to avoid accidents while departing the hangar in a cross wind, the airships were tethered to trolleys called Laufen Katzen, or running cats after being likened to cats running across the top of a fence. (SFO Museum)

With these improvements, Schwaben was well equipped when it began passenger service in the summer of 1911. With all the methods worked out and potential dangers addressed, passenger flights went off without a hitch. A typical flight saw passengers assemble early in the morning, when winds were at their weakest, and allowed them to see the airship as it was serviced and brought out. When they departed the airship was almost impossibly smooth as it pulled away from the ground and began its journey. While the passengers traveled to a variety of locations and took in the view they were provided with a series of refreshments. The meager provisions aboard Deutschland paled in comparison to what Schwaben’s passengers enjoyed. Along with a considerable wine list that boasted a selection of Rhine, Moselle, and Bordeaux along with champagne, passengers were served a selection of cold dishes such as caviar, Strasbourg pate de foie gras, and Westphalian ham (Robinson 59). All of this was enjoyed in relative silence as the canvas skin and hydrogen cells dampened the sound from the propellers.

The main attraction beyond all of this was the view of the country from the air, as while this was a passenger service, its lack of fixed schedules could mean a wait of several days as weather cleared or repairs were made. Tickets too were steeply priced, owing to the limited number of seats aboard and high operating costs. A ticket could cost between 100 to 600 marks depending on the destination, though many passengers didn’t pay for their own seats as they were invited to garner publicity for the service. It was very common for periodicals and newspapers to send their own aboard to gather material. Along with journalists were VIPs, such as notable public figures, and foreign dignitaries the state wanted to impress. Those unable to purchase a ticket had the option of watching one of the many films made aboard the airliners or visiting one of the many DELAG airports located across Germany.

In the several weeks following its entrance to service, Schwaben was a hit. After the miserable year of 1910, it seemed as if the airline had not only been improved, but practically perfected.

The Golden Years

Viktoria Luise would introduce a number of notable improvements, chief of which was a larger passenger compartment. (Wikimedia)

As Schwaben was refitted following its stowage in the previous winter, it was joined by a slightly larger airship, LZ 11 Viktoria Luise. Named for the Emperor’s daughter, its design and performance were nearly identical to the Schwaben, save for its redesigned elevators and rudders. The year would start well, though an accident would leave Schwaben burned on June 28. It was traced to a static discharge caused by the rubberised fabric which formed its hydrogen cells. No one was aboard the grounded airship, though the public was momentarily disquieted. To allay fears, the Dusseldorf maintenance team took the blame while Colsman quietly shifted to the use of cells made of cotton and goldbeater’s skin. This material was a finely woven cotton fabric laminated with chemically treated sheets of cow intestine, which while unpleasant to produce, was lighter than the rubberized fabric while remaining just as durable, and removed any chance of static discharges (Chollet 6). Apart from the loss of Schwaben, operations continued without trouble for the remainder of the year.

Operations were expanded by a new airship, LZ 13 Hansa, named for the medieval Hanseatic league of merchants which spanned the Baltic. Identical to the Viktoria Luise, it was completed July 30 and took Schwaben’s place. For the remainder of the year Viktoria Luise and Hansa operated out of the double hangar built in Hamburg, where at the end of autumn, they were used to train the first Naval air crews. At the end of this training period, Hansa was flown over the High Seas Fleet Parade and the naval maneuvers that followed it. Ironically, Zeppelin’s civilian operation had managed to capture the military’s interest more so than any direct appeal.

Passengers sightseeing aboard Hansa. (Ryan Smith)

By the start of the 1913 season, DELAG was an international sensation, and in Germany, a technological achievement of immense pride. Shortly after Hansa and Viktoria Luise had entered service, they were joined by LZ-17 Sachsen. This ship, named for the region it would service, was slightly shorter than its contemporaries though built with a wider diameter, and held the highest lifting capabilities of the three . It was completed on May 3, 1913 and was sent to a shed at Leipzig where it operated from thereafter (Robinson 333). During the summer season all three ships were in service, and each operated out of its own region. Hansa left Hamburg for Potsdam, to service Berlin, and Viktoria Luise was sent to Frankfurt.

Hansa comes in to land. (Wikimedia)

These regional flights would ensure the airships were seen over and around most of Germany’s largest cities. What was once a curiosity that rarely strayed from the Bodensee was now a common sight for millions of Germans, one that stirred both patriotic fervor, and a curiosity and optimism for what the future held. While a relatively small proportion of Germans would ever fly aboard these airships, they drew massive crowds around the cities they visited and at the sheds where they were stored. Sadly, the entire enterprise was cut short by the beginning of the Great War, and the airships were turned over to the military during the period of general mobilization. Practically overnight, DELAG had ceased to exist, and in the end, it’s difficult to know how successfully DELAG would have been had it continued to operate its three airships. When its airships were pressed into military service, the company was still operating in the red, though its operating costs were plummeting and the proportion of paying versus invited passengers had climbed steadily. Regardless of its financial forecast, DELAG’s technical achievements would not be rivaled again for over twenty years. Its airships carried a total of 34,208 passengers over a distance of 1,172,529 kilometers, nearly five times the Earth’s circumference (Rose153).

The Zeppelin at War

Despite the Count’s enthusiasm that his airships would prove a decisive weapon in any war to come, this would not prove to be the case. In the years DELAG was operating, the German military had received a number of airships, though they never effectively developed their offensive capabilities. Both the Army and the Navy possessed a small fleet of Zeppelin airships, each with very different missions in mind, with the Army placing an emphasis on bombing, and the Navy on reconissance. In contrast with the well coordinated and professional civilian operation, both the Army and the Navy would suffer numerous accidents, the worst of which befalling the Navy’s L.2. The ship burned as a result of design choices from the Naval representative, Felix Pietsker, who was at Friedrichshafen to oversee its construction. He demanded the airship’s keel be placed within the hull to streamline it and bring the engines in closer to the hull, both choices being strongly criticized by Dürr as being unsafe. During a test flight, the inner keel collected leaking hydrogen, which otherwise would have exited through the top of the airship, and was subsequently set alight by the heat of the engines. All 28 aboard would be the first to die on a burning airship, and with the war on the horizon, they would not be the last (Rose 151).

Most surprisingly, no specialized weapons were developed for the airships, which as bombers first carried 15 and 21cm artillery shells which were ejected from the airship over the target. These were used by the Army’s Zeppelins in the opening weeks of the war, but it soon became clear that these low flying airships were too vulnerable to groundfire to be of any real use (Robinson 86). This realization would push airship design evolution faster than any previous motivator. Among the first major new additions were the cruciform tail sections added to the M-Class airships. This feature had been pioneered by the rival Schuttz-Lanz airship company, and would markedly improve the handling and aerodynamics of the airship. Previously, Zeppelin’s had blunt tail sections, which were initially believed to be aerodynamically superior, but the taper on the newer models allowed for far better stability at speed. Enclosed gondolas were also added, being more or less essential for long patrols over the sea. Perhaps the most important of all was the introduction of duralumin on LZ 26 which enabled the construction of larger and stronger airship hulls (Robinson 89). The first airships to combine all of these features were the P-Class ships, which were very capable maritime patrol aircraft and were used on the first raids on London.

L12, a P-Class airship, the class would prove to be excellent naval patrol vessels and far more comfortable for their crews over the older, open gondola ships. (IWM)

As strategic bombers, the Zeppelins were ineffective. While at first they were surprisingly resilient to bullets and artillery splinters, the introduction of better training for anti aircraft crews and special phosphorus-core bullets for aircraft would see them fight a losing battle that would only end weeks before the war itself did. Zeppelins were built to fly ever higher to try and avoid these threats, and they flew their raids at night to try and avoid detection and artillery spotters. They would fail, but they would produce much more robust and versatile airships which remained very capable maritime patrol aircraft. The prime of these being the R-Class.

These ships entered service in 1916 with a host of new improvements. The new class did away with the long, inefficient cylindrical sections in favor of a teardrop shape which both reduced drag and vastly increased internal capacity. They were also the first to carry six engines, these being Maybach HSLu motors capable of producing 240Hp which gave them a trial speed of roughly 60 kilometers an hour. The hydrogen controls too were improved, with a responsive electric control system allowing for more precise and sensitive inputs, which were necessary when the airship operated at or above its maximum loaded ceiling of 3962 meters. In all, virtually every aspect of these ships had been improved (Robinson 120. Stahl 84-89). Unbeknownst to the German Navy, who were looking for better bombers to wage their ineffectual nightly war, Zeppelin had built a truly exceptional intercontinental aircraft.

The R-Class possessed a revolutionary teardrop hull shape, which vastly improved its aerodynamic qualities over the previous cylindrical forms. (Hauptkull)

On the night of July 26, 1917, Captain Ernst Lehmann set out on the longest patrol of the war thus far. With the standard R-Class airship, LZ 120, he patrolled the Baltic Sea for 101 hours. This ‘experiment’ was conducted with a considerable load of 1202 kilograms of bombs, 16918 kilograms of fuel, with a crew of 29. With his men divided into three watches, and running only three engines at a time, LZ 120 endured poor weather and successfully enacted engine repairs, all while dodging thunderstorms. When they returned to their base at Seerappen, the airship remained in good condition with enough fuel in its tanks for 14 more hours (Robinson 251, Stahl 89). As astounding as this feat was, it would soon be outdone.

In light of Lehmann’s record setting patrol, the German army now looked to the Zeppelin to undertake a truly groundbreaking mission. It seemed to all that General Lettow-Vorbeck’s troops, alone in Africa and low on supplies, were fighting on borrowed time. It was clear that the only way to reach them, and deliver vital supplies, was by airship. Thus a specially modified R-Class airship was prepared, L-59, which was lengthened and lightened to carry out the special mission. The 750 foot airship was to fly to Lettow-Vorbeck from Jamboli, Bulgaria, to the beleaguered general some 7000 kilometers away. It carried approximately 16,238 kilograms of cargo, and would be disassembled with its aluminum and fabric repurposed into radio towers and bandages. KorvettenKapitan Ludwig Bockholt set off from Jamboli on November 21, 1917 under strict radio silence. They passed through thunderstorms over the Mediterranean before crossing into North Africa, which would prove even more treacherous due to the updrafts which threw the ship about over the deserts. The heat too caused excessive hydrogen loss which had to be offset by dumping large amounts of ballast. They would cross the desert and receive a signal from Berlin, advising them to turn back as Lettow-Vorbeck’s forces had been defeated. In reality, the guerrilla general had pressed on into Portuguese Mozambique, where he had gathered the supplies he needed. Bockholt ordered the ship back with some arguments among the crew, and was back in Jamboli on November 25. In all his ship had been airborne for 95 hours and had traveled some 6760 kilometers, and upon its return still carried enough fuel for 64 hours more (Robinson 253-255, Stahl 90-91). Theoretically, L59 could have traveled to Chicago one way from Friedrichshafen, or potentially to New York and back.

The lengthened L59. (Hauptkull)

The rapid advancements in airship design during the war were incredible, though their use against civilians would leave a black mark which they could never truly wash away. England in particular bore deep scars as a result of the ‘baby-killers’, and as if to mark the end of an era, Zeppelin had passed away in March of 1917 at the age of 78. Despite the dark turn his invention had taken, many still viewed the count favorably, and in a May 1917 edition of the New York times he was placed as an equal alongside the Wright Brothers and praised for the years of dedication and disappointment he had spent honing his creation (Rose177). In the end, the war would cripple airship production and design in Germany, as the state was subsequently banned from operating large airships, and many of its Zeppelins were turned over to the Allies or destroyed by their crews. Many airship veterans, and even historians, would continue to state decades after the war, that the raids over England held down ‘a million men’ from being deployed to the continent. In reality, by June of 1918, Britain had exactly 6,136 men devoted to home air defense, and the total wartime damages from strategic bombing amounted to 1.5 million GBP. This compares rather poorly to the equivalent of 13.25 million GBP spent on airship construction, to say nothing of the hundreds of Gotha and Zeppelin Staaken biplane bombers built (Rose 173).

 

The Crossroads

Without their primary customer, and more or less totally banned from building their main product, the Zeppelin company was seemingly at the end of the line. Colsman, seeking to rapidly increase revenue, attempted to pivot the enterprise away from airships towards cars and consumer goods, regardless of the anger from the true believers in the firm. However, the economic crises that emerged in Germany after the war rendered the plan hopeless; there would one day be a market for luxury Maybach cars, but it was very far off.

A brief power struggle in the company ensued with Dr. Eckener becoming its head over the firebrand Captain Lehmann, who had taken part in destroying several Navy airships which were to be turned over to the Allies. Dr. Eckener found a loophole in the treaty which threatened to destroy the company; while Germany wasn’t allowed to possess an airship, the Versailles treaty did not explicitly prevent any private enterprise from building or operating airships of their own (Rose 194). With this in mind, Eckener approached Dürr and his engineers to design a new airship, one which could in no way be used for military purposes. Thus it seemed that DELAG was poised to return almost as suddenly as it had vanished back in 1914. Initially, there were plans for a trans-atlantic airliner based on a massive wartime X-class airship, but its proximity to a military design was too problematic, not to mention expensive. They accordingly settled on a small design with regional ambitions.

A model of LZ 120 is prepared for wind tunnel tests. (Wikimedia)

The design work for LZ-120 Bodensee, named for the lake from which the first Zeppelin’s flew, was completed on March 10, 1919 and first flew that August. Its design was the most efficient of any airship built up to that point, as despite being considerably shorter than the airliners that preceded it, at around 120 meters, it possessed an incredible useful lift of 44,678 kilograms and had a trial speed of 132 km/h, thanks to its four 245hp Maybach IVa motors. Perhaps most impressively of all, it could fly in all but the worst weather (Eckener 201). When fitted out for service, it was laid out in a manner similar to a passenger train within the combined cabin and control car. It possessed five compartments seating four, and one VIP cabin in the front who paid double fare. Six more seats could be fitted if the partitions were removed. As with the previous airliners the cabin was well furnished with a fine wood paneling over the structural elements and specially made aluminum and leather chairs for the passengers. At the rear of the gondola were the washroom and buffet (Robinson 258 Rose 196).

The small but quick Bodensee. (George Grantham)

When DELAG resumed service in the fall they began operating on fixed scheduling, which was made possible owing to Bodensee’s reliability and ability to fly through rain and wind. The sightseeing flights were done away with and replaced with a regular passenger route which ran from Friedrichshafen to Berlin with a stop in Munich. Generally speaking, the lax margins for luggage that existed in the pre-war DELAG were also done away with fees being added after 13 kilograms. On one occasion, a woman wearing extravagant furs brought nearly a dozen trunks aboard and tried to protest the fees which greatly exceeded that of the original ticket. In order to make up for slack during slow periods, mail was carried in place of passengers. Overall, Bodensee proved very effective, earning 500,000 marks in its first month, placing it on the road for long term profitability (Rose 196). Typical passengers were state officials, Zeppelin company personnel, and foreign visitors who could not depend on the rail network, which had been racked by strikes, coal shortages, and damaged infrastructure during the revolutions of that year.

Likely owing to tastes tempered by wartime hardships, Bodensee’s decor was subdued and looked to serve a more professional class, rather than the pleasure seekers of the Pre-war DELAG airships. (Bundesarchiv)

Eckener saw these routes as only the beginning and traveled with the airship to Stockholm in October. There he received an enthusiastic reception where he sold tickets for flights on the yet-to-be completed LZ 121 Nordstern. This was to be just the start, for the real destination for his airline was Spain. In the long term, however, his hope was in crossing the Atlantic. The Zeppelin’s long haul capabilities were well proven and shorter flights could be serviced by more modern planes, which by the mid 20’s could be flown with some semblance of safety and comfort. With long term plans seeming coming to fruition, DELAG completed the season’s operations in December, having flown on 88 out of 98 days for 532 hours, over 51,981 kilometers, and servicing 4,050 passengers. LZ 120 was placed in maintenance to be lengthened and have its control surfaces altered to compensate for its oversensitive yaw characteristics (Eckener 200, 201 Rose 198). However, these plans were not to be, as the loophole that allowed these operations was closed.

1919 was a chaotic year for most of Europe. In Germany, mass strikes of workers, and mutineers from the Army and Navy, launched a short-lived revolution in Germany after the Emperor fled and his government collapsed. (National Archives)

The Allied commission had ruled in January of 1920 that DELAG was not authorized to fly airships under the Versailles treaty, and they were instructed to turn their two airships over to France and Italy, who were to have received Navy Zeppelins that had been destroyed by their crews. Dr. Eckener would claim this was a protectionist ruling, given that the Allied commissioner, Air Commodore Masterman, was also in charge of Britain’s own flagging airship program. In any case, LZ 121 was christened Mediterranee in French service, and subsequently dismantled in roughly a year. Bodensee however, would spend many years in Italian service as the Esperia. While it never returned to regular passenger service, it made flights from time to time at numerous civil and military events from its shed in Ciampino near Rome. Most notably it accompanied the polar exploration airship N1 as it traveled to Barcelona, Spain, flew from Rome to Tripoli and back in 24 hours, and was shown to Japanese Crown Prince Hirohito during his visit in 1921. While most reparation airships were neglected and dismantled in the years following the Great War, Esperia seems to have been well maintained until it was decommissioned on July 18, 1928 (Robinson 350).

Esperia a few weeks before its decommissioning after nearly ten years of service. (Bundesarchiv)

 

With Bodensee and Nordstern out of their hands, Zeppelin seemed to be running on borrowed time once again.

The Zeppelin, Banned

Zeppelin was in trouble, but there would soon be an opportunity for them to get back on their feet. While the British airship program was largely dysfunctional, it had managed to garner interest in the technology. Their own R.34, which was largely a reverse engineered R-Class Zeppelin, had managed to cross the Atlantic, though with worrying slim margins for fuel. For the time being, the British built on this achievement with the pending sale of R.38 to the US, which subsequently was renamed ZR 2. Given American interest in the technology, Dr. Eckener offered to build the United States an airship to compensate them for the one which was promised to them under the Versailles treaty, but which its crews destroyed. The US Navy jumped at the offer and offered to pay 3.56 million gold marks for the airship, though they were stopped by Air Commodore Masterman who refused to allow the construction of the airship in Germany. This block would remain until the US Navy was preparing to receive the ZR 2.

While the British were able to replicate German airship technology, they understood it exceedingly poorly. R.38/ZR-2 was based on a high altitude airship design with a hull that was designed to be maneuvered only at high altitudes, as its beams were made thin to reduce weight. While ZR-2 was proceeding with its final trial flight, its hull shattered during a low altitude turn at 99 kilometers an hour and it exploded. Of its 42 crew and passengers, only 5 survived. The US Navy was outraged. They directly accused the British of protectionism with the intent to force them to purchase their dangerous aircraft, and in the maelstrom of backlash, the German airship ban was lifted. The US Navy and Dr. Eckener soon agreed to an airship specified to be only used for civilian purposes, and that Zeppelin would shift production to consumer goods after it would be completed. All involved knew that neither clause would be observed, but Masterman was forced to accept their terms regardless (Rose 221, 222).

The US Navy soon sent representatives to Friedrichshafen to oversee the design and production of LZ 126/ZR-3. The partnership between Zeppelin and the US Navy proved amicable in 1922, and eventually it was agreed to establish a US based entity for airship production, Goodyear-Zeppelin, the following year. Work on the new airship progressed as smoothly as one could have hoped during such difficult times.

LZ-6 is brought into the Lakehurst hangar for the first time. It was soon to be rechristened as the USS Los Angeles. (Wikimedia)

ZR-3 was launched in 1924, the large airship looking akin to a much larger, and stretched LZ 120. The airship was not merely a means of keeping the company afloat but to test the new technologies that could very well make trans-Atlantic air travel safe and reliable. Eckener himself flew ZR-3 out of Friedrichshafen on October 12, 1924, and despite some concerns about the airship’s maximum range, ZR-3 made the flight from Germany to the U.S. handily, despite running into a storm and encountering a headwind which slowed the ship down to 48 kilometers an hour. The airship flew over New York for several hours before proceeding to its shed at Lakehurst, New Jersey where it was met by a tremendous crowd. The ship would soon become the USS Los Angeles, and its success did more than save the company, it proved intercontinental air travel was more than achievable, it could be done safely and comfortably (eckener 27, 28).

The USS Los Angeles on parade over New York, joined by two US navy blimps, including the aluminum clad ZMC-2. (imgur)

ZR-3 also proved to be somewhat of a political litmus test. In the early Weimar period, its politics were especially volatile and Eckener had to brave these winds in order to accomplish anything. Whereas Count Zeppelin played the Imperial Court, Eckener faced liberals, conservatives, and political extremists of almost every variety. He did exceedingly well. The Zeppelin itself, a symbol of ‘the good old days’, played well with conservatives, liberals were satisfied with his ability to reinvent and grow the company in hard times, and the company’s large industrial workforce and generous benefits saw him receive congratulations from socialists and some communists. In terms of the far-right, he ranged from disinterest to outright hostility. Among the Nazis there was little interest in airships in general. Herman Goering, one of the movement’s leaders and former ace fighter pilot, saw airships as quaint and dated, with most in the party sharing his sentiments. Some members of even more extremist organizations claimed Eckener and Zeppelin had sold Germany out by giving ZR-3 to the US. Ultranationalists would go on to accuse the company of being controlled by a Jewish cabal and Eckener himself was the target of a young man with a rifle who had sworn to kill him, who was subsequently arrested (Rose 232). Eventually, some nationalists would be satisfied by Zeppelin’s all German operation and the ZR3 “controversy” would be left in the past. Despite this, the work at Zeppelin would proceed apace, especially as the German economy stabilized in the mid 20’s and many of the most dangerous fringe political groups had burnt out or had fallen out of public view, if only for the time being.

With a more or less stable political footing, and as the US Navy began to work their new airship into service, Dr. Eckener planned the next major step for Zeppelin.

The Graf

Eckener wanted an airship to build on the promise ZR-3 showed in its cross Atlantic outing. However, a roadblock appeared between Eckener and his new airliner, he hadn’t the money. The start-up capital to build and operate a new airship amounted to some 7 million marks, and to try and reach this figure he would attempt to repeat the miracle of Echterdingen. The press campaign began in July of 1925, and through donations and the sale of memorabilia, he was only able to amass 2.5 million marks, suitable enough for only the ship’s construction and nothing more. In short, the average German was far less secure in their finances, while the affluent noble class, once patrons of the old count, were gone (Rose 249). To make matters worse, airplanes had made significant strides in both safety and passenger capacity. Gone were the temperamental and fragile canvas and wooden biplanes, now in their place were solid plywood marvels like the Fokker F.VII and the all metal Junkers F.13, which rapidly took over intercity air travel during the mid 20’s.

Graf Zeppelin undergoing skinning in the Friedrichshafen hangar. (Zeppelin GMBH)

Regardless, Eckener pressed on, and between 1925 and 26 he gave nearly a hundred lectures on a press circuit which bolstered fundraising efforts. Once it was clear appeals to the public had reached their limit, he would make a personal request to President Paul Hindenburg, which brought a state contribution of 2 million more marks. The last of the money was found in selling assets from Zeppelin’s subsidiary companies (Eckener30, Rose 287). With the funds in hand, the design work was finalized with the new airship being what was, more or less, a larger derivative of LZ 126 with some cutting edge features. However, the new LZ 127 would not be the largest and most efficient airship the company was capable of building, but rather it was a proof of concept that would show that commercial, oceanic air travel was possible. While they had the funds for a new airship, they were still restricted by the size of their hangar at Friedrichshafen, which would prevent them from building airships much larger than the wartime X-Class for years to come.

Graf Zeppelin’s lounge prepared for dining service. (Yurigagarin-flickr)

By early 1927, LZ 127’s design work had been completed, and while built along the same lines as ZR3, it was fully furnished for passenger comfort. The combined gondola would contain the control and navigation facilities, along with the passengers rooms and amenities. The fore section contained the control room, a radio room, and a navigation room for use for the crew, and behind it was the kitchen, dining room and lounge, and passenger quarters. At the rear of the gondola were the stairs which led to the main crew quarters which contained mostly the same amenities, though with none of the fineries which existed below. The style of the passenger quarters evoked that of the famous and luxurious American Pullman railcars, though with some clever features. The passenger berths served dual purposes, by day they were lounges where passengers could take meals and relax in private, and by night they could be converted to a two bunk cabin.

Each 2 person passenger berth could be converted into a lounge during the day. (Zeppelin GMBH)

While LZ-127 could mostly be described as an enlarged version of the company’s previous airship, it did feature a number of innovations. Chief among these were its new Maybach VL2 engines, which in addition to producing a respectable 530PS, were multifuel engines that could run on either gasoline or Blaugas. The former was a fuel specially designed for airship use, as it possessed a density very close to air and could be stored in its own gas cells below the hydrogen. This enabled them to cut weight and conserve ballast hydrogen over long trips, as unlike gasoline, when the Blaugas was burned it did not significantly alter the weight of the airship and did not require the venting of hydrogen to regain equilibrium. Gasoline usage was kept to a minimum and would typically be reserved for takeoffs. Despite much of the design being brought over from a previous project, the airship was far better equipped for long flights. Its 37 tons of Blaugas could provide fuel for around 100 hours of flight, with a similar weight of gasoline providing only 67 hours (Rose 289).

Graf Zeppelin was built to the widest diameter that could be accommodated by the wartime hangar at Friedrichshafen. (Zeppelin GMBH)

The airship was completed in early July 1928, it being brought into service on the 8th and named Graf Zeppelin, in honor of the late Count. Shortly after a series of shorter test flights, Eckener arranged for a thirty six hour endurance flight across Germany on September 18th. The original course took the ship over Leipzig, Dresden and Berlin, before proceeding to Hamburg to practice oceanic navigation at night over the North Sea. However, the low cloud cover would have prevented the public from seeing the airship along that route and so they diverted to Frankfurt and Mainz before heading on to Cologne and Dusseldorf before reaching the North Sea via the Rhine valley. As was the case so many years ago, they were met by massive crowds as they passed these cities before finally heading out to sea. On the next day their course home took them over Hamburg, Kiel, and Berlin before they proceeded south back to Friedrichshafen (Eckener 32). However, not all were pleased. During further flights in October, French authorities protested the flight over the politically contentious Rhine territories, and subsequently provided directions for the use of airships over their own territory, forcing LZ 127 to fly at night and away from any military installations. The airship’s flight over southern England would also prove rather unsettling to those living there as it brought up unpleasant memories, and the airship would only rarely travel to Britain thereafter (Rose 289).

Graf Zeppelin over Berlin’s city palace during its first overflight of the city. (Bundesarchive)

These early flights would prove extremely promising, the only major issues which arose were political in nature, and the airship itself proved superb. Naturally, Eckener pushed for a flight to Lakehurst, New Jersey.

To Lakehurst

Eckener was prepared to fulfill the promise long dreamed of since the invention of the balloon and kindled during DELAGs best years, he was going to prove air travel could deliver passengers anywhere across the world. 40 crewmen and 20 passengers were assembled for the flight, though few paid for their tickets as they were mostly there to drum up publicity. This included journalist Lady Drummond-Hay, who had come on behalf of the media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who had exclusive reporting rights in the US for the voyage. One of the four who did pay the small fortune of $3000 for a ticket was one Frederick Gilfillan, an American financier who had a plane crash and two shipwrecks under his belt (Rose 295). To add to the foreboding, the weather reports were bleak. Storms and strong winds pervaded most of the approach to New York and numerous older steamships were in distress, while more modern liners were reporting considerable delays to their arrival (Eckener 34).

Eckener took the airship out of Wilhelmshaven on October 11, 1928, opting for a longer, but hopefully calmer Southern approach. The other captains, Fleming and Schiller, agreed to take a course South to the Mediterranean via the Alps, then to Gibraltar, followed by the Azores, and finally proceeding across the Atlantic to the airfield at Lakehurst. This earliest section of the voyage proved the most enjoyable as passengers and crew overflew the scenic Northern Mediterranean with largely agreeable weather. This however, was not to last. As after they flew west off the Azores, they ran into a storm front, and in the midst of exchanging the deck crew for the most experienced members, the nose dipped. Pots and pans clattered to the floor, the breakfast table settings slid from the cloth, and thunder rang out. While the crew remained in control through the rough weather, the passengers were no less terrified (Eckener 39). However, more shockingly, the crew would discover a wide swath of fabric had been torn from the lower port elevator and stabilizing fin, and threatened to jam the controls. By the time this was recognized, the Graf Zeppelin was in the middle of the Atlantic and three days from US navy assistance. After Eckener reported the incident to the Navy, he dispatched a repair team, which included his own son, and informed the passengers of the situation.

The repair team luckily found the damage to be less threatening than they had worried, and that they would be able to reattach the third of fabric that had remained , while cutting away the fluttering edges. The repairmen wore safety tethers while they clung to the outside of the airship and endured the roughly 80 kilometer an hour slipstream as the ship bobbed up and down as the control crew compensated for the increase in weight brought on by the rain. The repair crew worked for around five hours until the ship could rely on the fin once more (Eckener 41).

The result of the storm damage. (Wikimedia)

While the ship was no longer in danger, the new problem became boredom and discomfort. Safety precautions prevented the kitchen from using its electric stoves, lukewarm coffee was served in glasses, as all the china cups had broken in the morning, and, perhaps most distressingly, the beer and wine had run out. The passengers, with the exception of Lady Drummond-Hay who brought plenty of warm clothes, learned just how chilly the Atlantic could get, as the airship had little insulation. Though, the passengers discomfort was eclipsed by the elation of the crowd that gathered to see the ship as it flew over Washington DC, Baltimore, and Philadelphia before it went on to New York. This would prove prudent, as it showed the public that despite the damage it had taken, it was in no danger and capable of traveling wherever its crew saw fit (Rose 299, Eckener 43).

The discomfort of many of the passengers was quickly overshadowed by the Graf Zeppelin’s arrival at Lakehurst. Some 150,000 people had traveled to Lakehurst, where they were policed only by some 76 marines, 50 sailors, and 40 state troopers. While Eckener received congratulations from President Hindenburg via telegram, he embarked on a number of press ventures and all manner of celebratory events in New York. All the while, he was kept informed of the repairs being made to the airship, which would take 12 days and delay their return to Freidrichshafen until October 28.

Graf Zeppelin often shared the Lakehurst hangar with the USS Los Angeles during its visits to New York. (Wikimedia)

In all, the trip was successful but with mixed results. On a financial basis, the trip was successful in that it was profitable going one way. The operating costs were judged at $54,000 one way, with cargo and passenger revenues bringing in roughly $70,000; beyond that were the press deals which saw Zeppelin receive some $83,000, though these were likely to be considerably reduced for a regular commercial route. Eckener would claim a profit of $100,000, which considering the one million plus price of the airship, meant long term profitability was feasible.

The performance of the airship in the press was seen as both groundbreaking, yet unimpressive. From Germany to the US, the cross Atlantic voyage took some 111 hours, which actually compared poorly to the world’s fastest ocean liner, RMS Mauretania, which managed the crossing in 107. However this would be dispelled when Graf Zeppelin made the return trip in better weather, without detours, and arrived 72 hours later (Rose 301). Passenger comforts too were an issue compared with the ocean liner, though with a larger liquor cabinet and a gramophone with an ample selection of records, things were markedly improved on subsequent voyages.

Chief of all were safety concerns, as despite the airship being capable of handling the storm and subsequent damage better than any plane, it was still extremely concerning to any serious customer base. There was however, one feat which could allay these concerns for good, a world tour. However with the winter fast approaching, such a trip would be put off until a more favorable season.

Egypt Bound

The Graf Zeppelin would fly twice across the Mediterranean, visiting many of its most ancient landmarks (bsmith2123)

While a world tour was not feasible for several more months, a trip eastward was planned to raise publicity and bring in much needed capital. To promote the airship, a number of high level government officials and members of the press were invited. The choice of location would be Eastern Mediterranean, and much like the pre-war DELAG flights, the emphasis was on sightseeing. A particularly frigid winter would delay the flight four weeks until March 21, 1929, whereafter the Graf Zeppelin flew to a more hospitable region. It made its way down the French Riviera, after which it passed over Corsica and Elba on its way to Italy.

As they over flew Rome, with its ancient and modern sights alike, they sent a telegram to the head of Italy, Benito Mussolini. “Filled with admiration as we look down on Eternal Rome with its timeless remembrance of a glorious past, and its lively activity as a flourishing modern metropolis, we respectfully send our greetings and our good wishes to the genius of this splendid city.” Eckener would derisively say that he wondered if Mussolini would believe himself to be the “genius” of the city. The response would read “Many thanks for your friendly greeting! I wish you a happy journey. Mussolini.” (Eckener 59). From Rome it was on to Napoli, then Eastward across the sea to the Isle of Crete. Their arrival in the Eastern Mediterranean came with the end of the chill that had followed them since their departure from Friedrichshaven. With the last of the coats coming off, the airship made its way to Tel Aviv, and on to Jerusalem with the ship spending the night above the Dead Sea.

Graf Zeppelin over Jerusalem. (The Atlantic)

Unfortunately, the Graf Zeppelin was denied passage over Egypt by the British Foreign Office. This was likely because they wished to be the first with their own airships, which in a few years time were to fly from England, to Egypt, and then on to India. Eckener would be forced to tell King Fuad of Egypt that the weather prevented any landing there. However in 1930, the Graf Zeppelin would repeat this flight and would carry aboard a number of distinguished Egyptian passengers who were flown over the Pyramids and north, over the coast to Palestine.

During the first flight however, the airship overflew the coasts before heading Northward to Greece. They reached Athens at 6 am, there flying over the ancient Acropolis and then on to Mount Olympus. The planned overflights of Romania and Istanbul were canceled after deep cloud cover was reported over much of the region, and thus they returned to Athens, to the enthusiasm of those who slept through the airship’s first visit. From there it was West to Corinth before making the return trip to Friedrichshaven. The route home was to be over the Dinaric Alps, on to Pressburg and Vienna, before heading west and home. Apart from some passes through narrow clearings, and a blizzard which came on as they passed over Vienna, the return trip was uneventful. In fact, Eckener himself was glad for the poor weather as he was able to impress upon his passengers the safety of the airship and its ability to handle the elements (Eckener 65).

The Egypt flight of 1929 would prove an incredible and undeniable success in comparison to the admittedly rough Atlantic voyage. In addition to the views of some of the most ancient sites across the region, there were no hiccups in regards to lapses in comfort or entertainment, as the ship passed over the less exciting spaces in the dead of night. Perhaps most importantly of all, the ship’s reliability shone through with no major mechanical issues being reported during the flight.

Around the World

A postcard illustrating the course of the world voyage. (The Atlantic)

With the sight seeing trip behind him, Eckener now had the ideal Autumn weather to prove once and for all the safety and reliability of his airships. The route was largely predetermined as the Graf Zeppelin would need to stop at suitably sized hangers to take on new supplies and undergo any serious maintenance should trouble arise. The ship could take on fuel, ballast, and hydrogen at a simple airship tether, but there it would also be at the mercy of the weather. As such, Graf Zeppelin would fly East over the Soviet Union and make a brief appearance in Moscow, then proceed to Kasumigaura Air Base near Tokyo, where a former wartime zeppelin shed had been transferred and rebuilt. From there it was across the Pacific to America, then to Lakehurst outside of New York, and home again after crossing the Atlantic. However, a wrinkle formed in this plan when William Randolph Hearst, who would pay $100,000 for exclusive media rights in the US and Britain, requested that Eckener begin the journey from Lakehurst. His deal covered a good amount of the overall operating expenses of the trip, valued at around $225,000, much of the sum being spent on shipping 25,003 cubic meters of blau gas to Tokyo. Eckener’s solution was simple: fly Graf Zeppelin to Lakehurst, announce the voyage to the English speaking press there, and then fly back to Friedrichshaven and announce it again to the German press. In doing so he placated Hearst and the more nationalist elements within his own country.

The rest of the expenses were largely paid through passenger and mail fares, though again, few bought their own tickets. The overwhelming majority of passengers were there on behalf of newspapers and a variety of media groups whose focus was on travel, though a single ticket could cost upwards of $2,500. Beyond that was a hefty $50,000 gained through German media deals, and a number of limited postage stamp sets which sold very well among collectors. Despite the record setting nature of the flight, it was to bring in some $40,000 after covering the considerable supply hurdles (Eckener 68, 69).

The Graf Zeppelin departed for Lakehurst on August 1, 1929. This was to be a fairly unremarkable flight save for its two special passengers, Sue, a baby gorilla, and Louis, a chimpanzee, who were being brought to their new home in the US. 95 hours later, they were in Lakehurst and the true voyage began (Rose 307). Graf Zeppelin would return to Friedrichshafen after an overflight of Paris. The trip so far would prove to have a markedly different atmosphere, as in addition to the card games, conversations, and the record player, which often hosted Eckener’s own collection of Beethoven and Mozart, the air was busy with the clatter of the reporter’s typewriters.

The airship would spend five days in Friedrichshafen preparing for the journey ahead, which was to cover some 20,116 kilometers. During the layover, a number of new passengers boarded including Commander Rosendahl of the US Navy, Professor Karlkin, a Soviet meteorologist, and Commander Fuiyoshi of the Imperial Japanese Navy who was accompanied by two members of the Japanese press. With a crew of 41, and 20 passengers on board, Graf Zeppelin flew east (Eckener 72, Robinson 272).

A post card depiction of Graf Zeppelin leaving Friedrichshafen after the second “start” of the voyage. (German Postal History-Stampcircuit)

Now prepared for the flight ahead, they departed and flew north east over East Prussia and the Baltics. The approach to Moscow saw the trip’s first real challenge, a low pressure area developed north of the Caspian sea and was moving north. This would create strong headwinds along the original route and could potentially strain the airship’s fuel supply, however if they chose to fly on a more northerly course they would have a favorable westerly wind. To the anger of the Soviet representative, and to the disappointment of the crowds that had gathered in Moscow, Graf Zeppelin flew north. Upon flying past the city of Perm and past the Ural mountains, it quickly became clear why they had to bypass Moscow. The immensity of the far east would have proven disastrous had they run out of fuel, it was a land which was mostly untouched and beyond human civilization. Regardless, the frustrated Soviet Press devoted a good deal of energy criticizing Eckener and leveling a number of conspiratorial allegations at his decision (Rose 309).

Beyond Central Russia was the expansive taiga which Eckener described, “Like an extraordinary, decorative carpet it blazed up at us in all its colors-green, yellow, blue, red, and orange-horribly beautiful when we thought we might have to land on this carpet and be trapped helpless and lost amid the swamps and countless criss-crossing little streams” (Eckener 75). Navigation here and across Northern Asia would prove difficult owing to the few landmarks, even the smallest villages were noted and used to chart a course, the smallest being made up of a number of tents. Among the many incredible sights on those northern latitudes were the distant villages of the Yakut people and the aurora borealis which shone over the horizon. As they neared edge of Siberia they visited the city of Yakutsk, where they dropped a wreath over the cemetery where German prisoners of the Great War were buried. From there they proceeded to the sea of Okhotsk where their trek through Siberia ended (Eckener 76-81).

Graf Zeppelin reached Hokkaido, Japan at dawn, and with good weather proceeded southward on to the Japanese mainland. The airship overflew Tokyo for some time and performed a series of maneuvers over Yokohama Harbor above the massed onlookers. When they came in to land at Kasumigaura, they were met by an immense crowd, as thousands had traveled across the country to see the airship.

A commemorative wood block print of the Zeppelin’s visit to Japan. (The Tokyo Files)

While the airship was impressive to crowds on both sides of the Atlantic, it hardly compared to the fanfare it received in Japan. While Graf Zeppelin shaved roughly two days off the next fastest way across the Atlantic, it had bridged Japan and Europe in less than four. The next fastest, and still rather exclusive method, the Trans-Siberian Railway, took two weeks. Otherwise, by fast steamer, it took nearly month. One local newspaper would claim the trip as one of mankind’s finest achievements, and the event would receive more column space than any other event in Japanese history until that point. Those aboard the airship would spend six days in Tokyo, with key members of the crew being invited to a series of events hosted by the Japanese government. Eckener and his officers would attend a lavish state banquet at Tokyo’s grandest hotel along with Japan’s highest ranking ministers and the Chief Admiral of the Navy. This however, could not compare to Eckener joining Emperor Hirohito for tea at the Imperial palace, after which he was presented with a pair of silver cups, a ceremonial sword and dagger, silk embroideries, and porcelain vases. The stay in Japan culminated in the entire crew having afternoon tea at the German embassy, with nearly every German in Japan being in attendance (Eckener 83, Robinson 273, Rose 309).

Graf Zeppelin over Yokohama Harbor. (Old Tokyo)

With their stay over, the crew prepared for the flight across the Pacific, though an accident in removing the airship from its hangar resulted in a delay until the following morning on August 23, 1929. The airship would depart minus its Soviet representative, and its Japanese contingent would be rotated out for Naval representatives Lt. Commander Ryunoske Kusaka, Major Shibata, and a reporter. The journey across the Pacific was fairly unremarkable apart from the distance traveled, and the views were often obscured by clouds and fog. Graf Zeppelin reached San Francisco on the early morning of August 25 where it was greeted by a number of airplanes and ships which had come out of the harbor to meet it. They then proceeded South to Los Angeles where it would land at Mines Field, the airship arrived late at night and went largely unseen, save for those who traveled to see it the following morning. Interestingly, the landing was made difficult due to a low altitude temperature inversion which required they valve off hydrogen as the denser layer of air otherwise prevented the ship from descending (Robinson 273). This effect is partially responsible for the region’s agreeable climate, and its smog.

The airship was greeted by half a dozen or so aviators as it reached San Francisco. (SADSM)

Unlike Tokyo, the stay would not be a long one, and after an evening with Mr. Hearst, whose massive mansion was in Los Angeles, the airship was preparing to leave again. However, upon trying to leave they were short on hydrogen and were forced to proceed at very low altitude with very little ballast, southward around the Rocky Mountains. Initially, it flew so low that it nearly struck power lines as it departed the airfield. From San Diego they traveled through New Mexico and, like the crew of the L 59 almost ten years earlier, experienced extreme updrafts which could drag the ship over a 300 meters upward. Eckener considered this the most difficult point in the journey, and he believed the region made traversing America by airship a serious gamble should one wish to travel from coast to coast. Apart from the Texas homesteader who took potshots at the airship, the flight proceeded smoothly after they reached El Paso, after which they swung north on a course that would take them over Kansas before reaching Chicago. While the airship was greeted by crowds wherever it went, Chicago’s excitement rivaled San Francisco’s as a handful of planes joined it in the air and massive crowds cluttered the roads and gathered in parks to see the airship overfly their city. On its departure, it visited the Goodyear-Zeppelin headquarters at Akron Ohio before making its way to New York to complete the journey (Eckener 90).

Chicago matched San Francisco’s excitement as Graf Zeppelin was greeted by planes, crowds, and caused massive traffic jams. (RareHistoricalPhotos)

The world flight was completed when Graf Zeppelin returned to the hangar at Lakehurst on August 27, 1929. While the airship had visited the city several times before, its reception on that date surpassed all the rest. On that day New Yorkers shredded more phone books for confetti than ever before, and after a massive reception at city hall, Eckener was invited to a meeting with President Hoover. There Hoover would tell him “I thought that the day of the great adventurers, like Columbus, Vasco de Gama, and Magellan, was in the past. Now such an adventurer is in my presence. I am happy, Dr. Eckener, that the American people have greeted you so warmly, and today would like to extend my personal good wishes for your enterprise.” (Eckener 93, 94)

Graf Zeppelin had made the 11,104 kilometers from Friedrichshafen to Tokyo in 102 hours, had crossed the 8851 of the Pacific in 79, and crossed the 5,632 of America in 52 (Rose 314). All of these were new records, and the lack of any major mishap would prove beyond a shadow of a doubt the safety and reliability of Eckener’s airship. With it completed it seemed it would be simple enough to begin a regular passenger service, though this was not to be. A massive stock market crash in the US in just a month’s time would spill over and leave the entire world economy in shambles, aviation in particular would be hit hard. All but the largest aircraft manufacturers were out of business, and what few fledging airlines existed were hit equally as hard.

The Desert and the Future

With the world in the grips of an economic catastrophe, Eckener had to redress his plans. Further airship construction would need to be put on hold and new streams of capital would need to be established. The admittedly lackluster successor to Graf Zeppelin, LZ 128, was canceled. With its cancellation also went the hope of a triangle airline scheme by which DELAG was to sell tickets which granted passengers access to North and South America and Germany. However, Graf Zeppelin completed a trial run with a complement of paying passengers and freight in 1930, flying from Friedrichshafen to Recife Brazil, and then to Lakehurst. It proved impractical, as the volatile and unpredictable North Atlantic weather made comfortable passenger travel impossible without a specially designed airship. While no additional triangle flights were conducted with Graf Zeppelin for some time, it made a profit of over $100,000. Owing to having only 11 passengers aboard, air mail and stamp sets made up most of the earnings (Rose 350).

Graf Zeppelin at Cardington field with the British airship R-100. (Fineart America)

In 1930 Graf Zeppelin made a number of publicity flights across the UK where tickets were offered for short sightseeing flights. By this point the British aversion to the Zeppelin had clearly run its course, perhaps this can be seen no clearer than when the Graf Zeppelin overflew Wembley Stadium during the FA Cup. Beyond this the Egyptian tour was revisited again, and with the tragic demise of the British Imperial Airship scheme after the crash of R-101, Zeppelins were allowed full reign over the region.

Graf Zeppelin would finally dispel Britain’s phobias during its English visit, here overflying Wembley Stadium during the FA cup. (Wolves)

In the meantime, Graf Zeppelin was hired out to complete a scientific survey of the North Pole in 1931. Without passenger fare, reporting rights and stamp sets would bring in most of the profits. Incredible concerns were raised over the Arctic weather and icing, which could disturb the airship’s equilibrium. Despite being seriously damaged by a hail storm, Graf Zeppelin completed the survey along with the Soviet icebreaker, Malygin.

Zeppelin survived these financially tumultuous years by very narrow margins, and oddly enough, was kept afloat by stamp collectors who drove up the price of the limited edition sets the company commissioned. However, in 1931, there were bright spots on the horizon for DELAG. Graf Zeppelin was to begin a regular international service to South America, and a new airship was being developed for cross Atlantic service.

Regular Service to South America

The airship landing field at Recife, Brazil. (picryl)

While regular triangle passenger flights between the three continents were well beyond the capabilities for Graf Zeppelin, it could chart a service to South America with ease. While the North Atlantic was frigid and temperamental, and had previously proven extremely uncomfortable for passengers, the tropical and relatively warm waters of the South were ideal. After the Arctic flight, three passenger flights to South America were conducted in the late summer and autumn of 1931. These early flights were fairly limited, after leaving Friedrichshafen they proceeded over Southern France, Spain, the South Atlantic, and arrived in Recife, Brazil where an airship mast allowed them to service their vessel. This sole mast and its fairly remote location required DELAG to partner with the German Condor Airline to service other major cities across South America (Robinson 279). In spite of this, these initial flights would prove so successful, that all publicity flights were terminated so that all efforts could be taken to focus on the South American line.

Graf Zeppelin’s groundbreaking South American trips were the first of their kind, and were refined over the coming years into a regularly scheduled route. (Hapag Lloyd)

The following year would see nine passenger flights, the last three of which saw the airship fly down to Rio de Janeiro in order to draw interest to build a hangar there. Beyond this the flights were improved in the choice of view. When the airship departed or returned to Europe, it often did so through the French Rhone Valley and over the Bay of Biscay, or it proceeded south over Spain and then to the Cape Verde Islands off of Africa. Occasionally, there were also scheduled stopovers in Barcelona and Seville, where the excellent weather often permitted the airship to remain outdoors for sometime (Robinson 280). While the 1931 flights were more or less experimental, those of the following year were routine, all of which sold out, and beyond ticket sales the revenue from freight and mail was not inconsiderable (Ecekener 115).

As successful as these flights were, they were overshadowed by events in Germany. The Nazis were gaining greater prominence, with the regime exerting an ever more dominating force over the country, though Zeppelin and DELAG remained independent for the moment. In the backdrop of such developments, Eckener was able to see that the Rio hangar was built. The year would see another nine trips, the last being a triangle flight that would take the airship to the 1933 Chicago World’s Fair.

By the summer of 1933, the aviation authorities in Germany required all registered aircraft to display the Nazi swastika. The Graf had swastikas painted on the port side of its vertical stabilizers, the other emblazoned with the older Imperial style flag. Displeased with having to carry the symbol, Eckener flew the airship around Chicago on a clockwise course which hid the swastikas from crowds. He was, however, unable to prevent it being photographed by circling planes, with the subsequent images being printed in newspapers images world wide. This would not be the first time he attempted to act against the new regime. Prior to this, he forbade the Nazis from holding events at the new massive hangar at Freidrichshafen (Rose 357, 364). These marked the first in a number of protests Eckener had against Nazi propaganda minister Josef Goebbels, who wished to use the Zeppelins to carry the flag of the new regime. Beyond this, Goebbels often took to chartering the airship for political events and publicity flights, much to the annoyance and displeasure of Eckener and many airship crewmen who hated the politics of the new regime and saw these “circus flights” as a waste of time.

In spite of the ongoing feud, DELAG continued to improve its services to South America. Graf Zeppelin flew twelve round trips to South America in 1934, the third flying as far as Buenos Aires where Eckener unsuccessfully tried to convince the Argentinian government to build an airship hangar. Buenos Aires was to be a major hub for DELAG, as it was hoped that they would be able to make sales amongst the sizable German enclave there. However this was not to be, and instead they bolstered their partnership with the Condor Airline which could fly the airship’s passengers from Rio de Janeiro by seaplane.

Graf Zeppelin’s overflight of Buenos Aires wasn’t enough to convince the Argentinian government to help finance an airship hangar there. (Wikimedia)

The political environment became more contentious during this time, as Goebbels’ propaganda ministry and Goering’s Air ministry began to feud over the airships. Both offices devoted large sums to the production of LZ 129 and chartered increasing usage of Graf Zeppelin. Despite his long standing personal disinterest in the airship, Herman Goering recognized it as an important and internationally recognized symbol of German aviation. A symbol which he knew improved the standing of his new office, in contrast with Goebbels ideological zeal. In any case, both men knew they could force Eckener’s cooperation through the resources they devoted to his company, despite what trouble he would occasionally cause them.

The year 1935 would continue to see a business boom for the Brazil route, and saw 16 round trip flights across the Atlantic. There was also considerable growth in passenger travel which peaked in that year at 720 with an additional 14,061 kilograms of freight carried, including some 900,000 letters (Eckener 116). In short, DELAG had pioneered the international airline just as it had in 1919 when it achieved regular air service with Bodensee. However, just as it had been in 1919, DELAG would be dissolved again.

Political Troubles and the End

LZ-129 Hindenburg comes in to land at the airship hangar outside of Rio De Janeiro, here the two airships alternated on the South American route until the loss of Hindenburg at Lakehurst. (Wikimedia)

Just as DELAG was honing its international air service, it was dissolved. Air Minister Goering would reorganize most German airlines, and he would visit this on DELAG on March 25, 1935. The new Deutsche Zeppelin Reederei (DZR), or German Zeppelin Shipping Company, would take its place, this new entity being state owned. In doing so, Goering would have final say on airship use, largely putting an end to the quiet feud with Goebbels.

With this change came a transfer of command, Eckener was replaced with Lehmann, of Great War fame. Lehmann was an able commander and fiercely nationalistic, which made him a far more palatable choice over the decidedly liberal and world trotting Eckener. The former became chairman of the Board of Directors and still held some influence, but his control over the airline and the Zeppelin company, which he still presided over, slackened. Eckener continued to work for the airline in order to ensure safe operations, and to do his best to keep the Nazis from becoming too intertwined with the business. Initially, he was successful, as LZ 129 entered service to become the second airship on the South American route, after he had first flown it to the United States. Its name too, Hindenburg, was chosen for its lack of ties to the new regime.

This state of affairs was not to last as the political tides grew more volatile. As a result of Ecekener’s open and continued complaints about Goebbels’ use of the airships, the Reichsminister would issue an order to remove all mention of Eckener in any future news publications. This would backfire spectacularly when President FDR assumed and looked forward to Eckener being the captain of the Hindenburg on its first Atlantic voyage to the United States. Rather than admit a blunder on the world stage, the publication moratorium was lifted temporarily, with Goering subsequently intervening between the two and meeting with Hitler to have the moratorium lifted entirely (Rose 393, 395). In any case, and in spite of his own convictions, Eckener’s work would continue to benefit the Nazis and he would continue to stay, and work in Germany.

The final straw came a year later in 1937, when Hindenburg caught fire over Lakehurst in the most infamous airship disaster. While accidents were common in air travel at this point, never had one so spectacular been caught on film and so publicized. In spite of DELAG never having lost a passenger in its decades of operation, passenger airship travel would end there. As a result of a flashy landing stunt to bring the airship in quickly, Captain Lehman overstressed one of the rear structural rings and snapped a bracing wire. The wire tore a hydrogen cell, and a static discharge ignited the air mixture near an aft ventilation shaft (Rose 440, Eckener 173). Following the accident, what interest the state and public had in the airships quickly dissipated, and Graf Zeppelin, after nearly ten years in the air, was decommissioned and later dismantled. Eckener himself would largely go into retirement, though on paper he remained a key figure at Zeppelin and some of its subsidiaries.

Conclusion

The Graf Zeppelin coming in to land at an airport in Basel, Switzerland. (TagesWoche)

The airships built by Count Zeppelin and the airlines which operated them can be said to be among the most groundbreaking endeavors in the history of aviation. In terms of long range aviation, many of their efforts would outpace their competitors for upwards of a decade. In regards to air travel, nearly every major milestone was achieved first using their airships. DELAG would be the first to pioneer passenger air travel, establish regular, scheduled transportation flights, and build the first transcontinental airline. While the passenger airship was dealt a fatal blow with the destruction of the Hindenburg under the DZR, ironically, few endeavors can claim to have done so much with so few injuries as the DELAG airline.

Advanced Technical Descriptions

LZ 1-1900

LZ 1 prepares to depart. (Zeppelin The Story of a Great Achievement)

LZ 1 had a symmetrical, cylindrical hull formed from 16 transverse, wire braced, rings composed of 24 polygons that were connected by 24 longitudinal beams. The rings were spaced 7.98 m apart, save for those around the two control gondolas, which were 4 meters apart. The hull was made from unalloyed aluminum, and thus was very soft and contributed to the airship’s structural issues. The beams, which comprised the hull were practically openwork I-beams and offered little resistance to compression or bending loads, resulting in the center hull bending downwards during its test flights. The hull measured in at a length of 128 m with a diameter of 11.74 m. (robinson 23)

There were 17 cylindrical hydrogen cells made from rubberized cotton. This material was composed of thin laminated sheets of lightweight cotton and rubber. Each cell was fitted with a relief valve, with 5 being fitted with control valves which allowed the crew to adjust for lift. The airship was covered in cotton treated with pegamoid to reduce drag and friction within the hull. Pegamoid was also used as a basic waterproofing material, its use was continued on Zeppelin’s until more suitable doping materials were employed during WWI.

The airship lacked large control surfaces, there being only a small pair of rudders above and below the nose, and a rear set which were connected to the sides of the hull. Pitch was changed by means of a 100 kg lead weight that was moved along the rail between the gondolas. This proved to be a very cumbersome and unreliable system, with the weight jamming on at least one occasion.

The diminutive Daimler engine and its bevel gear arrangement. (Wikimedia)

LZ 1 was controlled from two cars along the underside of the airship. These were both made of aluminum and designed to float in case of emergency. These were connected via metal piping which served to act as a walkway. Each carried a Daimler 4 cylinder engine which produced 14.2 horsepower at 680 rpm, with a weight of 385 kilograms. These each drove a pair of propellers on the upper hull above the cars, which they were connected to via bevel gears and shafts. These turned at a maximum RPM of 1200, considerably faster than the engine, in order to follow one of the Count’s theories. He would later find large diameter propellers operated at lower RPMs to be more efficient. The propellers themselves were made of simple flat sheets of aluminum and had four blades with a diameter of 1.22 meters(Robinson 24, Eckener 191).

 

 

Golden Years Airliners 1911-1914

LZ 10 Schwaben-1911

Crews gather to maneuver Schwaben after it lands (Stampcity)

LZ 10 Schwaben was the first specially designed airliner and almost fully divorced from the LZ 3 derivative airships. It was shorter and carried less hydrogen than the initial, and very unsuccessful Deutschland, but was far more efficient. The framework was made of a strengthened aluminum alloy, and used the tried and tested triangular girders that Dürr developed for airship use. The hull was 140.2 long and 14 m in diameter, containing 17 rubberized cotton hydrogen cells. This would be the last Zeppelin airship to use them, as they constituted a fire hazard and were responsible for the loss of this airship.

The Maybach C-X was the major success of the firm, which would go on to produce a number of specially designed aircraft engines. (Smithsonian)

Schwaben was powered exclusively by three 6 cylinder inline Maybach C-X engines, these being developed specifically for airship use. Each engine provided up to 145 horsepower and weighed 652kg. These water cooled motors had a displacement of 20.5L, and had a bore and stroke of 160 mm x 170 mm. Overall, they measured 129.5 x 182.9 x 86.4cm (Smithsonian). The forward engine was coupled to a pair of two bladed hard aluminum propellers, with the rear two being coupled to a pair of four bladed propellers. The rear propellers were a pair of two bladed propellers affixed to one another on the same drive shaft. They could propel the airship to a trial speed of 76.6 km/h.

The airship was controlled from the forward car which contained one of the three engines. Controls were improved as all the control surfaces had been moved aft, with the rudders and elevators being installed in a box like configuration at the rear of the airship. Ballast bags were installed fore and aft.

As with all DELAG airships, it did not lack for amenities and comforts. The passengers were seated in a gallery amidships. This compartment was composed of an outer frame sheet aluminum with inner wood supports and decorative framing. The inner compartment was covered in wood paneling that consisted of high layer plywood covered in mahogany sheeting. Pillars and decorative elements were decorated with mother of pearl inlays and the floors were carpeted. Ahead of the gallery was a small space for the attendant and an ice box with an accompanying liquor cabinet. To the rear of the gallery was a lavatory with a latrine made from aluminum fittings to save weight. The entire compartment was affixed to the hull with reinforced aluminum girders and cables.

LZ 11 Viktoria Luise & LZ 13 Hansa- 1911&1912

Viktoria Luise drops a line to its ground crew (this day in aviation).

These two airships were built roughly to the same specifications though Hansa was the heavier of the two owing to some minor difference in construction. These were very similar to the Schwaben in their overall layout, though they differed markedly in that they used goldbeater skins in place of rubberized cotton for their hydrogen cells. This material was a finely woven cotton fabric laminated with chemically treated sheets of cow intestine. It proved to be both lighter and could not accumulate a dangerous static charge and was used on all subsequent airships (Chollet 6).

The two also featured a crude cruciform tail section, from which the elevators and rudders hung. These were smaller than those mounted on Schwaben, but were no less effective. These evidently reduced drag considerably, as despite being 7.90 meters longer than Schwaben, both airships made for a trial speed of approximately 80 kilometers an hour. This added length allowed for an expansion of the passenger compartment (Stahl 66).

LZ 17 Sachsen-1913

Sachsen amidst a crowd of onlookers (Zeppelin GMBH)

This airship was built much to the same standards as the previous two but it was built to a shorter length and wider diameter. When designing previous airships, or in enlarging existing models, the common technique was simply to add a lengthening section. It was initially believed that nearly all drag was created by the frontal cross section, with very little being induced by the surface area of the rest of the vessel. The aim with Sachsen was to increase the volume of its gas cells, and thus its cargo capacity, while also keeping drag to a minimum. It was quite successful, but it entered service only a year before DELAG was dissolved at the start of the Great War, and thus had the shortest passenger service of these early airliners.

LZ 120 Bodensee-1919

Swedish soldiers help secure the landed airship. (Picryl)

Bodensee was built with a number of new design features which had become commonplace during the war. Chief of these were its teardrop shape, which cut down on drag while retaining a large hydrogen capacity; and its cruciform tail section, which improved stability and maneuverability. Despite having roughly the same hydrogen capacity as the Sachsen, built years earlier, Bodensee boasted a much higher top speed and lifting capacity, all while being considerably shorter.

The hull of the Bodensee was constructed of 17 sided rings of various dimensions, the largest being 18.6 meters in diameter. The hull was made of a more modern duralumin which made it far more resilient, and likely contributed to the long service life of the airship. Along the underside of the hull was a catwalk which gave the crew access to the engines and command gondola. Above the catwalk were the ship’s 11 hydrogen cells. The entire airship, including the gondola, was skinned in a doped cotton fabric which gave excellent weatherproofing.

The gondola itself was divided into a forward command section and a rear passenger section. The command section featured modern controls which had been commonplace for some years, most notably an electric control panel for hydrogen release. Its passenger space could be divided into five compartments seating four, with one VIP cabin in the front who paid double fare. Six more seats could be, and often were, fitted if the partitions were removed and the space was consolidated. As with the previous airliners, the cabin was well furnished with a fine wood paneling over the structural elements and specially made aluminum and leather chairs for the passengers. The decor was fairly subdued compared to the more lavish furnishings of past DELAG airships. Aft of the passenger compartment was a buffet staffed with an attendant who prepared meals with an electric hotplate. The last gondola compartment contained the restroom. (Robinson 258 Rose 196). Flights typically lasted seven or eight hours on its typical Friedrichshafen-Berlin Route. Owing to the short nature of the flights, the airship was crewed by only a dozen or so men.

The Maybach Mb IVa was the engine that powered the R-Class and all succeeding models of German military airships during the Great War. Surplus motors were used aboard the Bodensee and Nordstern. (Smithsonian)

The airship was propelled by four Maybach Mb IVa engines which were high altitude motors and were mass produced during the Great War for the R-Class, and later “height climber” Zeppelins. Owing to the lack of superchargers, they instead used incredibly high compression ratios, which meant they could not be run at high throttle below 6000ft. Some examples approached 300hp at high altitudes, but in the case of the low altitude Bodensee, they could be expected to top out at 245 hp under normal conditions. These were water cooled 23.1L inline 6’s with a bore and stroke of 165 mm and 180 mm, and a weight of 417.8 kg (Smithsonian, Robinson 258). Two motors were mounted in their own individual cars on each side of the hull, with a rear, centerline car containing two motors, side by side, and were geared to the same propeller. These were geared to a wooden 5.2 meter propeller with a reverse gear that could be used slow and maneuver the airship as it came in to land. Each engine car had a skeletal aluminum frame that was fabric skinned. The engineers worked in the cars to adjust their output, with commands being telegraphed from the control room, and to maintain them throughout long flights. In most cases this amounted to supplying them with more oil. The engines could propel Bodensee up to 132km/h, making it the fastest airship thus built. They also made it considerably overpowered and the crew had to be wary of oversteering when the engines were running near their highest output. The ship was later lengthened to extend its range and help compensate for this issue.

LZ 127 Graf Zeppelin 1928

An internal schematic of Graf Zeppelin. (Zepplinweltfahrten)

Graf Zeppelin was the largest and most advanced airship to serve with DELAG, with most of its features being tested and tried aboard the ZR 3. Graf Zeppelin’s hull was built to the restrictions of its hangar in Friedrichshafen with the 236.6m long and 30.5m airship having the familiar teardrop shape of its predecessors. Its structure was conventional, though made use of improved duraluminium and had built up sections around the gondola and the struts supporting the engine cars. The hull included two catwalks, one along the bottom, to give access to the engines, crew quarters, and gondola; and a center catwalk which gave access to the gas cells and the exterior of the airship should repairs need to be made. There were 17 hydrogen cells with a volume of about 85,000 cubic meters set above the fuel gas cells, which contained some 26,000 cubic meters of blau gas. Depending on the configuration of the airship, the combined gas capacity of hydrogen and fuel was normally 105,000 cubic meters (Robinson , Eckener 207). The use of blau gas meant a lower lifting gas capacity, but it freed up several tons of weight by eliminating the use of gasoline, and meant the airship needed less water ballast to offset the burning of a denser fuel source. The lower ballast requirements also made the airship easier to fly over long distances, as it meant the crew needed to make only minor adjustments to the airship’s trim and ballast. A small amount of liquid fuel was carried to bring the airship out of its airport, as burning it lightened the ship and aided in climbing without sacrificing any ballast water. The entire airship was skinned in treated fabric, its waterproofing treatment now containing aluminum, which gave the airship its iconic metallic sheen.

Graf Zeppelin’s Gondola (Zeppelinweltfahrten)

The lower hull contained the amenities for the crew, including the bunks, which were spaced out along the lower corridor, their restrooms, and a small lounge space where they rested and took their meals. The gondola itself was divided among the forward control rooms, and rear passenger quarters. The forwardmost was the control room, followed by a navigation room, the radio room, and kitchen. Control of the airship was managed through similar, but improved means compared to the LZ 120. The elevator controls in particular were improved by the use of a boost motor to make the difficult and physically straining job of the elevator man easier. A fully automatic gyro for rudder control was also installed, but often went unused as it was felt its impulses were too heavy and clumsy, in comparison to hand control from an experienced helmsman. Landing was done without the use of either system but was aided by the use of bubble pointers geared to both controls which accurately displayed the inclination of the airship relative to the inputs of its controllers ( ONI Lt. Cmdr. Kenworthy 3). In practice, both systems were typically only used when controllers were changing course against the wind. Navigation aboard the ship was often done through dead reckoning and star sighting, though it was also capable of radio direction-finding as well. A powerful 3 million candlepower searchlight was mounted aft of the passenger section which enabled altitude checks and drift readings in the dead of night (ONI Fulton 3,4). These systems were powered by a pair of auxiliary power units which took their fuel from the Blaugas reserves.

Heinrich Kubis, worked at some of the most fashionable hotels in Europe before becoming the world’s first flight attendant on the Schwaben. Pictured here setting a table in the Graf Zeppelin during its later years. (Wikimedia)

The kitchen was well stocked and the cook and his assistant prepared meals through the use of electrical stoves. Food was served on the airline’s own signature dishes and cutlery. There were ten two-passenger cabins, a pair of washrooms, and a lounge area that could be rearranged for dining or leisure. The original decor evoked the luxury of Pullman railcars, though the traditional, and fairly dated, wallpaper was later replaced with a coat of white paint to give the airship a more nautical feel. Passengers were less than thrilled over the fairly confined nature of their quarters and the lounge, though the annoyance of not being able to smoke was the chief complaint. After the first several voyages, the airship began to stock a larger liquor cabinet, impromptu tours of the airship were given, and a gramophone, which often played Eckener’s own extensive collection of Beethoven and Mozart, was brought aboard. Smoking however, was never allowed and the lack of insulation required passengers wear coats in cold weather.

The heavy duty, dual fuel Maybach VL-2 (Smithsonian)

Graf Zeppelin was propelled by five Maybach VL-2 motors, these being multifuel 33.3L V-12s which could run off gasoline or Blau Gas. The VL-2 was a specialized engine designed to run for long periods and to be easy to repair in flight by airship engineers. Each engine produced up to 570 hp at 1,600 RPM and weighed 1,148 kg. They had a bore and stroke of 140 mm and 180 mm. These were water cooled engines, with their radiators being at the front of the engine car where a pair of shutters controlled air flow. They were all geared to propellers via planetary 2:1 reduction gears, and like Bodensee, were reversible. They were initially all geared to two bladed wooden propellers, though all but the lower gondola would be fitted with larger four bladed 3.4 meter propellers. The lower car retained the shorter propeller as it would have otherwise run into ground clearance issues. The engines also had the benefit of a silica absorber which reduced moisture exposure and allowed them to reclaim fresh water, which proved very useful as the airship frequently crossed oceans (LT. Cmdr. TGW 3). These engines overall proved very reliable for their day, though on occasion they would encounter minor breakdowns which required a brief stoppage of all engines to fix it. They could propel the airship as fast as 128km/h, though the airship typically traveled at 112km/h which was ideal for fuel economy.

A sketch by artist Theo Matejko of one of Graf Zeppelin’s crew berths, these were spaced out along the lower catwalk. The crew lounge was above and behind the gondola. (Wikimedia)

For any considerably long voyage, a crew numbering at least thirty was required, and for regular passenger service, some 40 crewmen were aboard. On a flight from Germany to Pernambuco, Brazil on October 9, 1932, Graf Zeppelin was commanded and flown by the following: 1 commanding officer, 3 watch officers, 3 junior officers, 1 chief engineer, 1 assistant engineer officer, 1 leading engine man, 15 engine men, 2 electricians, 3 riggers, 3 radio men, 3 rudder men, 3 elevator men, and 3 stewards, these being a flight attendant and the two cooks. The longest watches belonged to the watch officers, the radiomen and riggers, and the leading engineering officers who all had a watch of four hours. Every crewman had their own bunk by the time of the regular South America flights (ONI Lt. Cmdr. T.G.W 1,2)

Graf Zeppelin’s control room, prior to the installation of instruments. (Zeppelin GMBH)

Specification:

Illustrations:

LZ-1 was the first airship built by Zeppelin and the only one that wasn’t designed by Durr. It flew quite well during its test flights but failed to attract buyers, it did however bring Eckener aboard the airship project.
LZ 13 Hansa was named for the medieval Hanseatic league of Baltic merchants and entered service with DELAG in 1912. The airship would later be based in Potsdam.
Bodensee was the first airliner to run on a strictly maintained schedule, as apart from the pre-war service, its aim was purely transportation and not sight seeing. Its time serving with DELAG was short, though it spent many years in Italian service under the name Esperia.

 

Where Bodensee set the standard for reliable service, the Graf Zeppelin set every major milestone in international air travel. Often flown under the captaincy of Dr. Eckener himself, the airship flew to many far off destinations from Tokyo to Rio De Janeiro.

 

Gallery

Personalities

Count Ferdinand Von Zeppelin was the foremost innovator of airship design for nearly 15 years. Stubborn, but generous, the Count remained unperturbed by setbacks that could have otherwise ended everything, and persevered to lead the world in airship piloting and development. He remained in nominal control of the company until around the start of the Great War, when his old-fashioned ways of managing the business caused friction within the new modern corporate structure of the company, with the Count subsequently entering semi-retirement. Pictured here wearing the Imperial Yacht club cap he took to wearing during flights. (Zeppelin GMBH)
Dr. Ludwig Dürr was the engineering genius behind nearly every airship the company built. Involved in redesigning the LZ 1, Dürr headed nearly every design team up to the Hindenburg and the second Graf Zeppelin. While many initially found the humorless engineer odd to work alongside, Dürr was accommodating to the newcomers to the company, who brought with them new techniques and theories in aeronautics. A homebody and an eccentric, Dürr rarely left Southern Germany, but his work circled the globe. (Zeppelin GMBH)
Entering the Zeppelin enterprise as a publicist, Dr. Hugo Eckener would become a pilot during DELAG’s first years, and would lead the firm following the end of the Great War. Politically savvy and ambitious, he led the firm through its darkest days and made DELAG a world renowned name once more. While Eckener never built his fleet of ocean striding airships, he would continuously break records and set nearly every major milestone when it came to modern passenger air travel. (Zeppelin GMBH)

Early Airships

Zeppelin and the Crown Prince, a patron of the Count. (Wikimedia)
Schwaben comes into land, making so little noise that the sheep used to keep the grass short are undisturbed. (SFO Museum)

 

A DELAG advertisement. (Smithsonian)
Viktoria Luise drawing a crowd. (Wikimedia)
Zeppelin’s airships had cemented themselves as a cultural fixture in Germany, here Schwaben is depicted in a game where players race to visit all of Europe’s largest cities. (Stadtmuseum Berlin)

 

Hansa’s passenger compartment without passengers or tables. (Wikimedia)
Prior to the Great War, DELAGs airships became a regular sight over many German cities.(Wikimedia)
Schwaben inside its hangar. SFO museum
Bodensee is managed by ground teams. (Pinterest)
Bodensee cruises over an airfield with a Zeppelin-Staaken bomber, built by a Zeppelin company subsidiary, and later used for advertising the Fletcher’s World magazine. (John Parker)
Bodensee’s hangar. (Wikimedia)
Bodensee comes in to land during its Swedish trip. (Wikimedia)

Graf Zeppelin

A ventral view of Graf Zeppelin. (Wikimedia)
Graf Zeppelin landed at the airship station at Mines Field, California. (SDASM)
The crew had access to much of the exterior of the airship via the ventilation shafts. On several occasions they enacted repairs on the protective fabric after harsh storms. (Life Magazine)
Graf Zeppelin is joined by a Junkers F.13 as it cruises over Berlin. (Bundesarchiv)

 

Despite its increased size, Graf Zeppelin could easily handle ground landings, just as all previous Zeppelin airliners made. (The Atlantic)

 

Graf Zeppelin over Berlin’s Tempelhof field. (Bundesarchiv)
While on the ground, LZ 127 was maneuvered about by ground teams. (Bundesarchiv)
The Chef and his assistant at work in Graf Zeppelin’s kitchen. (Bundesarchiv)

 

The dining service during one of the airship’s earlier voyages, the Pullman carriage inspired decor was later replaced with a nautical theme. (Atlas obscura)
The rudder control position aboard Graf Zeppelin. (Getty)
LZ 127 over the Sumida river. (Old tokyo)
Graf Zeppelin flies over Seville, Spain. It stopped several times at the city on its South American route. (SevillaInsolita)
One of Graf Zeppelin’s engine cars. This gives a good view of the canvas frame of the unit. (Zeppelin GMbH)
Graf Zeppelin cruises past Rio de Janeiro on one of its earlier South American excursions. (Wikimedia)
A view of the hydrogen cell free hull of Graf Zeppelin. A ballast bag hangs at the right. (Zeppelin GMbH)

Credits

  • Written by Henry H.
  • Edited by Ed Jackson & Henry H.
  • Illustrations by Ed Jackson

Sources

Primary:

Eckener, Hugo. My Zeppelins. Putnam & Co. Ltd, 1958.

Von Zeppelin, Ferdinand. Die Luftschiffahrt Und Die Modernen Luftfahrzeuge. Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 1909.

Capt. Chollet, L. Balloon Fabrics made of Goldbeater’s Skin. NACA, 1922.

Curtis, Thomas E. The Zeppelin Airship. Smithsonian Report for 1900. 1901.

Dr. Dürr, Ludwig. The American Airship ZR-3. Zeitschrift des Vereines Deutscher Ingenieure. May 31, 1924, Vol. 68, No. 22. 1924.

Fulton, G., J. L. Kenworthy, James L. Fisher, and Edwin F. Cochrane. “LZ 127 Graf Zeppelin: Flight Reports by US Navy Officers,” October 1933, November 1934.

Mills, George H, Meister Von F.W. LZ 127 Graf Zeppelin correspondence relating to George H. Mill’s flights. 1934.

Ebner, Hans. The Present Status of Airship Construction, Especially of Airship Framing Construction. Zeitschrift fur Flugtechnik und Motorluftschifftfahrt Vol. 24, Nos. 11 and 12, June 6 and June 28, 1933 Verlag von R. Oldenbourg, Munchen und Berlin. 1933.

Stahl, Friedrich. Rigid Airships. NACA Technical Memorandum, 1920-1921.

Munk, Max M. The Drag of Zeppelin Airships. NACA. 1923.

Maybach VL-2, V-12 Engine. National Air and Space Museum. A19350052000.

Maybach AZ, In-line 6 Engine. National Air and Space Museum. A19791399000.

Maybach MB IVa, In-line 6 Engine. National Air and Space Museum. A19710882000.

Secondary:

Rose, Alexander. Empires of the Sky. Random House. 2020. (Ebook).

Maiersperger, Walter P. Design Aspects of Zeppelin Operations from Case Histories. NACA. 1975.

Robinson, Douglas H. Giants in the Sky History of the Rigid Airship. Billing and Sons Ltd., London. 1973.

Vissering, Henry. Zeppelin The Story of a Great Achievement. Chicago. 1922.

Messerschmitt Me 163C

Nazi flag Nazi Germany (1944)

Rocket-Powered Interceptor Fighter: Reached Prototyping Stage

A diagram of the improved rocket interceptor. (Nevingtonwarmuseum)

When the Me 163B entered service, it was a unique aircraft by virtue of its rocket engine. It was used as a short range interceptor for German air defense, and while it could achieve extremely high speeds, its overall design left much to be desired. These faults included a highly restrictive view from the cockpit, a lack of retractable landing gear, and limited operational endurance. In order to address some of these issues,  Messerschmitt engineers developed the Me 163C.

 

History 

While the Me 163B Komet proved to be a remarkable design, it was quite dangerous to fly  and there was plenty of room for improvement.  In order to make the whole aircraft as cheap as possible, some limitations had been introduced. To save weight, the aircraft had rather small dimensions which, in turn, limited the fuel load that could be stored inside. This led to a limited powered flight time of fewer than 8 minutes. In combat operations, this proved to be insufficient, but there was little that the German engineers could do to improve this. Adding internal or external auxiliary fuel tanks was not possible given the design restrictions.

Me 163B rocket interceptor, accepted into limited service. (militaryimages.net)

The position and layout of the cockpit also offered a number of issues. Most importantly, it provided the pilot with a limited field of view behind his aircraft. Another issue was the lack of retractable landing gear. The Me 163 was instead forced to use a two-wheeled detachable dolly. This was intentionally done in order to reduce weight.

Once the aircraft was in the air, the dolly was jettisoned. There were accidents regarding this system when, for example, the dolly refused to be detached from the aircraft, or even worse, when it bounced off the ground and hit the aircraft from below. On landing, the Me 163 was to use a simple retractable landing skid, placed beneath the fuselage. After landing, the aircraft was immobile and became an easy target for enemy fighters. For this reason, a normal retracting landing gear unit was desirable, but once again for the same reason as the fuel load, this could not be implemented.

To redress the previously mentioned issues, engineers at Messerschmitt began working on an improved version, the Me 163C. It incorporated a longer fuselage, an improved cockpit, and had an engine with two combustion chambers. The development of this version likely started in late 1944 or early 1945.

Production and service

The precise development history, and how many aircraft of this version were built, are the subject of considerable speculation. The fact that there are no photographs of it complicates the matter further. Most sources mentioned that only a few incomplete airframes were built by the Germans. In some sources, for example B. Rose’s Secret Projects Flying Wings and Tailless Aircraft, it is mentioned that three prototypes were completed and flight-tested in early 1945.  Source E. T. Maloney and U. Feist on the other hand, mentions that only a few pre-prototype airframes were built by the time the war ended in Europe. So there are two completely different accounts in the sources.

Technical characteristics

The Me 163C, like its predecessor, was designed as a high-speed, rocket-powered, swept-wing, tailless aircraft. Given its experimental nature and its late development into the war, not much is known about its precise technical characteristics. Its overall construction would probably be similar to the previous version, with its fuselage being built of metal, and possessing wooden wings. The semi-monocoque fuselage was longer and was now 7 m compared to the original 5.84 m length.

The Me 163C was to be powered by an improved Walter 109-509C or an HWK 109-509A-2 rocket engine. In the case of the first engine, it could generate a thrust of some 1.500 kg.  An auxiliary HWK 509 rocket engine would be used to provide additional endurance once the aircraft reached its cruising altitude. The maximum speed of the Me 163C was estimated at 915 km/h while the operational range was 125 km.

While the introduction of retractable landing gear was desirable, the Me 163C was not to be equipped with one, but it still received some modifications in this regard. It was to have a fully retractable tail wheel located at the bottom of the tail assembly.

The cockpit was completely redesigned. It received a fully glazed bubble-type canopy. This offered the pilot a much improved all-around view. In addition, there were provisions for pressurization equipment.

The armament used on this aircraft is not quite clear in the sources. It would have consisted of either two 2 cm MG 151 with 100 rounds of ammunition for each cannon, two 30 mm MK108 cannons with 60 rounds, or less realistically, four 30 mm MK108 cannons with 40 rounds of ammunition.

Note the redesigned canopy, auxiliary engine, and extended fuselage. (www.walterwerke.co.uk)

Cancelation of the project

While the precise development of this aircraft is unclear, most sources agree on the reasons why it was not adopted, beyond the obvious end of the war. Basically, there were two main reasons for this. First, was the lack of landing gear. The Me 163C still had to take off and land using the take-off dolly and the landing skid. This was far from perfect as the dolly, as mentioned, could potentially damage the aircraft itself after release, and the use of a sliding skid made the aircraft immobile after landing. Lastly, the auxiliary engine only extended the operational flight by an additional 1-minute, which was deemed insufficient.  It was for these reasons that  the Me 163C would not be adopted, and instead the development of the much improved Me 163D was prioritized.

Conclusion

Given its experimental nature, it’s late introduction, and the disagreement between sources, it is quite difficult to make the final decision on the general properties of this aircraft. Given that the project was canceled by the Germans, it is likely that besides a few experimental prototypes, no actual production aircraft were be assembled. Regardless it served as a stepping stone for the next version, the Me 163D, which was built, but it too would not be adopted for service due to the end of the war.

Me 163C Specifications

Wingspans 32 ft 2 in / 9.8 m
Length 23 ft 1 in / 7 m
Height 3 m / ft  in
Wing Area 220 ft² /  20.41 m²
Engine Walther HWL 509C-1 liquid fuel  rocket engine with a max thrust of 1.500 kg
Empty Weight 4,850 lbs / 2,200 kg
Maximum Takeoff Weight 11,680 lbs / 5.300 kg
Maximum Speed 570 mph / 915 km/h
Operational range 78 mil / 125 km
Engine endurance 12 minutes
Maximum Service Ceiling 40,000 ft /  12,200 m
Crew One pilot
Armament
  • Two 20 cm MG 151 (100) / Two 30 mm MK108 cannons  60
The Me 163C Rocket powered interceptor.

Credits

  • Article written by Marko P.
  • Edited by  Henry H. and Medicman11
  • Ported by Marko P.
  • Illustrations by Carpaticus

Source:

  • D. Nešić (2008)  Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemcaka. Beograd.
  • E. T. Maloney and U. Feist (1968) Messerschmitt Me 163, Fallbrook
  • M. Emmerling and J. Dressel  (1992) Messerschmitt Me 163 “Komet” Vol.II, Schiffer Military History
  • J.R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1990) German AIrcraft of the Second World War, Putnam
  • W. Spate and R. P. Bateson (1971) Messerschmitt Me 163 Komet, Profile Publications
  • M. Ziegler (1990) Messerschmitt Me 163 Komet, Schiffer Publishing
  • D. SHarp (2015) Luftwaffe secret jets of the Third Reich, Mortons Media Group
  • M. Griehl (1998) Jet Planes of the Third Reich, Monogram Aviation Publication
  • B. Rose (2010) Secret Projects Flying Wings and Tailless Aircraft, Midland
  • http://www.walterwerke.co.uk/walter/me163d.htm

 

Sack AS 6

Nazi flag Germany (1943)
Experimental Circular Wing Aircraft – 1 Prototype Built

The unusual Sack AS-6 circular-wing aircraft [falkeeins.blogspot.com]
In the history of aviation there were many designers who had ambitious ideas and concepts for new designs, but never had the chance to bring their ideas to fruition. On the other hand, there were those who had radical or even completely impractical designs that did manage, at least to some extent, to be built. Germany had a fair share of such individuals, especially during the later stages of the Second World War. These designers may have proposed their projects out of desperation to save their country or in fear of being sent to the front. There were also those that were simply enthusiasts in aircraft development but lacked a better understanding of how aerodynamics actually work. One such person was Arthur Sack (1900-1964), who prior to the war came up with the idea of building a circular-wing aircraft known simply as the Sack AS-6.

History

Prior to the war, Germans were prohibited from developing and building military aircraft. The Germans simply bypassed this prohibition by instead focusing on gliders, but also on civilian aircraft which if needed would be quickly converted for military use and conducted secret experiments. They especially took great care in the development and investment of manned gliders, but also scale model-building competitions and organizations. While this may seem like a waste of time and money, it actually helped gain initial and valuable experience in aircraft development which proved vital for the later Luftwaffe.

One such model competition was the National Contest of Aero Models with combustion engines, held in late June 1939 at Leipzig-Mockau. Here, aviation enthusiast Arthur Sack presented his model of an unusually circular-wing-shaped aircraft named AS-1. It is sadly unclear why Sack pursued the design of such an unusual aircraft design. Due to engine problems, the AS-1 was unable to take off from the ground, so the small model had to be launched by hand instead. The Air Minister (Reichsluftfahrtministerium RLM) Ernst Udet, who was present at the event, seemed to be impressed with this design and advised Sack to continue its development.

Arthur Sack and his AS-1 model. [lvz.de]
Thanks to financial support from the RLM, Sack was able to proceed with the development and even the construction of a few scale models, a process that lasted some three years. In 1943 he submitted a fully operational model SA-5 to the RLM. The presentation went well for Sack and the RLM commission provided the necessary funds for the construction of a fully operational prototype. Interestingly, at some point Sack came into contact with another unusual aircraft designer Dr. Alexander Lippisch. While not completely clear, it appears that Sack received some design tips from Lippisch, to better improved his work.

With the order secured, Sack initiated the construction of a prototype. He named this aircraft the AS-6 V1 (Versuchs – version). As he had no proper workshop to build the aircraft himself, the glider manufacturer Mitteldeutsche Metallwerke was tasked with this instead. The initial work for the assembly of the aircraft began in the autumn of 1943. It took nearly half a year to complete the working prototype. Interestingly, due to the general shortage of materials, the AS-6 was constructed by utilizing a considerable amount of salvaged components from other damaged aircraft. For example, the cockpit canopy and parts of the interior were taken from a Bf 109B. Once the prototype was ready, it was allocated to the Luftwaffe for initial tests in early 1944.

AS-6 side view. [lvz.de]

Technical Characteristics

A good view of the AS-6 internal wooden frame construction.[all-aero.com]
The AS-6 was designed as an experimental prototype to test the idea of using circular-wing design. Sadly, this aircraft is quite obscure and poorly documented so not much is known about its overall design. It was a single-seater aircraft that was mostly built out of wood. It did not have a classical fuselage, instead, the majority of the aircraft consisted of two large circular wings. The internal design is more or less conventional with a wooden construction frame being covered with canvas. Two large elevators were installed on the rear of the wings. The tail assembly is a conventional design as well, consisting of one vertical stabilizer and two horizontal stabilizers.

The AS-6 rearview. The two elevators were too small, poorly designed, and did not provide adequate control during initially limited test flights. [all-aero.com]
The AS-6 was powered by an Argus As 10C-3 engine, which ultimately proved to be inadequate [all-aero.com]
The AS-6 was powered by a 240 hp Argus As 10C-3 engine driving a two-blade wooden propeller. The engine was housed in a metal frame, which was then bolted to the AS-6 fuselage. The engine was salvaged from a Bf 108 aircraft.

The cockpit canopy and its interior, as already mentioned, were taken from a Bf 109B. The cockpit was slightly elevated above the fuselage and provided the pilot with an excellent all-around view. The landing gear was also salvaged from a Bf 109B, but in the case of the AS-6, it was fixed. Initially, a landing skid was used on the rear, which was later replaced with a landing wheel instead.

The canopy and landing gear was taken from a damaged Bf 109 aircraft [ufxufo.org]

Testing the Prototype

Initial evaluation tests of the AS-6 prototype were conducted at the Luftwaffe Brandis Airbase. The flight tests were conducted by Rolf Baltabol Junkers test pilot. While several short take-offs were made, there were no attempts to actually take the aircraft to the sky. The test pilot noted that the aircraft had an overall poor design and was difficult to control. He urged that the control surfaces and rudder be completely redesigned. The engine was also deemed too weak. During the last short take-off, one of the two landing gear assemblies was damaged.

The AS-6, following its unsuccessful start, spent several weeks in repairs and received a number of modifications in an attempt to improve its performance. These included adding an additional 70 kg of weight to the rear, installation of brakes taken from a Ju 88, and repositioning the landing wheels to the rear by about 20 cm. Sack proposed moving the landing wheels further back, but the test pilot Rolf simply refused to fly it if this change was implemented. He argued that placing the landing gear to the rear would imbalance the aircraft potentially leading to tipping forward during a take-off. For this reason, the modification was not implemented. While the engine was underpowered, there were simply no alternatives available at that time.

The AS-6 during testing [falkeeins.blogspot.com]
The next test was scheduled for April 1944. During these tests, Rolf tried to take it to the sky, but failed again to do so. This time it was noted that the wings were simply too short. Further tests were canceled, the AS-6 was to await more modifications, and was to be tested in a wind tunnel; if possible with a completely new engine.

The fate of the AS-6

Following the unsuccessful testing, the AS-6 was stored at the Brandis airfield. In the summer of 1944, this airfield became the main operational base for the experimental Me 163 rocket-powered aircraft. The pilots of the I./JG 400 (charged with testing the Me 163) found the AS-6. One of its pilots, Franz Rossle, expressed a desire to attempt flying the unusual plane. But when the ground crew was preparing the aircraft for take-off, one of its landing gear units simply broke due to rough terrain, effectively preventing the test flight to be conducted. After this, it was once again stored at Brandis. It would remain there until early 1945 when it was lost in an Allied bombing raid.

The AS-7 project

While not clear when (possibly during early 1945), Sack approached Messerschmitt company with a proposal to use his circular-wing design on the Bf 109K-4 aircraft. The aircraft marked as SA-7 would be powered by a DB 605 2,000 hp engine. Fitted with circular wings it was theorized that it would be capable of carrying more armament inside the wings. It is believed (but not clear) that Messerschmitt was interested in this proposal and designated the project Me 600. Due to the war’s end, nothing really came from this project.

Conclusion

While certainly an unusual and interesting design, due to poor quality and salvaged materials used during its construction, the AS-6 performed poorly and never actually achieved flight. We will never know if the AS-6 circular-wing design offered any major advantage over more conventional wing designs. It appears that Arthur Sack did not continue with his idea after the war and passed away in the mid-1960’s. While his work was never implemented in mass production, his unusual design was often mistakenly taken as some advanced and secret German World War II project, which ironically, it never was.

AS-6 Specifications

Wingspan 16 ft 5 in / 5 m
Length 21 ft / 6.4 m
Wing Area 19.62 ft² / 211 m²
Engine One 240 hp Argus As 10C-3 engine
Maximum Take-off Weight 1,984 lbs / 900 kg
Crew 1 pilot
Armament
  • None

Gallery

Illustration by Ed Jackson

Credits

  • Written by Marko P.
  • Edited by Henry H. & Blaze
  • Illustrated by Ed Jackson

Sources

  • B. Rose and T. Butler (2006) Secret Projects Flying Saucer Aircraft, Midland Publishing
  • J. Dennis G.G. Lepage (2009) Aircraft of the Luftwaffe 1935-1945, McFarland and Company
  • Duško N. (2008) Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemacka. Beograd.
  • http://www.luft46.com/misc/sackas6.html

Heinkel He 112

Nazi flag Nazi Germany (1935)
Fighter – 66 to 100 Built

He 112 the unsuccessful competitor of the Bf 109. [luftwaffephotos.com]
Prior to the Second World War, the German Luftwaffe was in need of a new and modern fighter that was to replace the older biplane fighters that were in service. While four companies responded to this request, only the designs from Heinkel and Messerschmitt were deemed sufficient. The Heinkel He 112 was an especially good design that offered generally acceptable flight characteristics and possessed a good basis for further improvements. While it was in some regards superior to the Messerschmitt, ultimately it would not be accepted for service, and only 100 or so aircraft would be built. These would be mainly sold abroad, with those remaining in Germany used for various testing and evaluation purposes.

History

By the early 1930s the Heinkel company was a well-established aircraft manufacturer. It was rapidly expanding, mostly thanks to the export of some of its aircraft designs. The Heinkel company also had a good relationship with the German Air Ministry RLM (Reichsluftfahrtministerium RLM), which entered a series of different aircraft production contracts with Heinkel.

At this time the German Air Force was in the process of a huge reorganization, and the development of new military aircraft. Quite of interest was the development of a new fighter aircraft that would replace older Arado Ar 68 and Heinkel He 51 biplanes that were in service. For this reason, in May 1934 the RLM issued a competition for a new and modern fighter plane that could reach speeds of 400 km/h (250 mph) at an altitude of 4,000 meters (19,685 feet). Initially, three companies were contacted, including Arado, Focke-Wulf, and Heinkel. Interestingly, and somewhat ironically as it later turned out, Messerschmitt, a relatively small company at that time, was also contacted by the RLM.. All four companies were to build three prototypes of their design, which were to be tested before a final decision was to be made.

Arado and Focke-Wulf completed their prototypes, the Ar 80 and Fw 159 respectively, by the end of 1934. The Heinkel He 112 and Messerschmitt Bf 109 prototypes took a bit longer to complete, which was completed in September 1935. The He 112’s design was greatly inspired by the He 70 passenger plane, which would later be modified for military purposes. Heinkel engineers used the He 70’s the overall design as the basis for the He 112, mainly regarding its wings and the fuselage construction.

The inspiration for the He 112 was the He 70. While the He 70 had good general performance it would not be employed by the German in any major military role. [Wik]
Once all four companies submitted their designs, evaluation trials were carried out at the German test centers located at Rechlin and Travemunde starting in October of 1935. After some initial testing, both the Ar 80 and Fw 159 experienced too many mechanical breakdowns and even crashes, which ultimately led to both being rejected. The He 112 and Bf 109 on the other hand proved to be more promising designs. Interestingly due to shortages of domestically built engines, both aircraft were initially powered by Rolls-Royce Kestrel engines.

The He 112 V1 (D-IADO) was powered by a 695 hp Rolls-Royce Kestrel Mk. II engine during trials. Once the aircraft was completed, it was first flight-tested by Heinkel’s own test pilot Gerhard Nitschke. While he gave a generally positive review of its performance, he also noted the aircraft’s drag was a bit higher than expected. However, given that its overall performance was deemed sufficient for the competition, Heinkel decided to proceed with the project. This prototype arrived at the designated test center of Travemunde by the end of 1935. During a series of flight tests, the maximum speed achieved was 466 km/h (290 mph).

The He 112 V1 first prototype, used for the trials held at Rechlin and Travemunde. [luftwaffephotos.com]
It was clear that the RLM would never accept an aircraft powered by a foreign engine. The Heinkel engineers began working on the second prototype that was to be equipped with a domestically built engine. The V2 (D-IHGE) was powered by a 640 hp Junkers Jumo 210C liquid cooled engine. The first test flight was made in November 1935 by another Heinkel test pilot Kurt Heinrich. The V2 was more or less just a copy of the first prototype.

Construction of Additional Prototypes

During the series of test flights, the performance of the two competitors was quite similar, with some minor advantages between them. In the case of the Bf 109, it was slightly faster, while the He 112 had lower wing loading. In addition, the He 112 had a better design and safer landing gear unit.

As the V2 was flight tested at Heinkel, the initial results of the competition began to arrive. The Heinkel engineers were keen on finding a way to overcome the Bf 109’s slightly faster speed. So the Gunter brothers began to redesign the V2 wings. Walter and Siegfried were at that time, probably Heinkel aircraft designers (for example the He 51 biplane is one of their designs.). Their calculation showed that a reduction in the wing profile would provide an additional boost to the maximum speed by at least 24 to 29 km/h (15 to 18 mph). This modification reduced the overall size of the wings, but led to another problem. Namely, the wing loading exceeded that of the RLM commission requirement. Given that the aircraft speed was increased, Heinkel officials deemed that it was a necessary compromise that would not affect the general rating of the aircraft.

The V2 prototype reached the Travemunde test center sometime in early 1936. In February 1936 the V1 and V2 prototypes were moved to the Rechlin Testing Center. In early March, a series of dive tests were carried out. In one of these, the V2 was seriously damaged, luckily the pilot survived the crash. After a few weeks of repairs with Heinkel, the aircraft was quickly put back to use. But in another landing crash, it was completely destroyed and listed as irreparable. Once again the test pilot managed to escape without any injury. This accident, while it did not prevent Heinkel’s involvement in the new fighter competition, it certainly affected the commission’s opinion on the He 112 at least to some extent.

The last of the prototypes intended for the competition was the V3 (D-IDMO). While initially, it was more similar to the first prototype, it received the wing modification implemented on the V2. Additional changes include increasing the rear tail unit size, adding a new radiator, installation of three (or two depending on the source) 7.92 mm MG 17 machine guns. In addition, it would later receive a new enclosed cockpit with a sliding canopy.

Side view of the V3 (D-IDMO) prototype. [luftwaffephotos.com]

Further Competition Developments

Despite the series of improvements to their He 112 design, the tide was slowly but surely turning toward the Bf 109. The RLM commission was getting somewhat frustrated with Heinkel’s constant changes to the design, and the previously mentioned crash did not help matters. In March, it was already being discussed to proclaim the Bf 109 as a winner. The Germans were also informed by the Abwehr intelligence service that the British were developing and preparing for the production of the new Spitfire. RLM officials were simply not willing to risk taking a chance on an aircraft design that could not quickly be put into production, as the Bf 109 was.

While the He 112 project would have ended there, thanks to Heinkel’s strong political connections, an extension of the trials was agreed to. Both companies were to build additional 15 0-series aircraft to be used for testing. The production was to commence in October 1936 with the last aircraft to be completed by May the following year.

Heinkel’s first completed aircraft, which was included in the previously mentioned contract, was actually a He 112 V4 (D-IDMY) prototype which was ready in June 1936. The V4 received a new and stronger 680 hp Jumo 210D that was equipped with a supercharger. In addition, it had an open cockpit, besides which it was in essence a copy of the V3. Possibly anticipating the contract for additional aircraft, Heinkel began working on additional airframes in advance. This led to the completion of the V5 (D-IIZO) and V6 (D-IQZE) prototypes in July of 1936. The V6 was intended as a replacement for the lost V2 aircraft. This aircraft was powered by a Jumo 210C engine. The last aircraft of the prototype series was the V8 (D-IRXO) powered by a Daimler DB 600A engine. It was primarily intended to serve as test aircraft. All of these previously mentioned prototypes were to serve as the forerunners of the He 112 A-0 series.

The V4 prototype before it received any markings. [luftwaffephotos.com]
Following more test flights by numerous Luftwaffe pilots, the Bf 109 was receiving more and more positive reviews from pilots that had the opportunity to fly them. The Bf 109, while proving to have excellent flying performance, was also cheaper and easier to build than the He 112. Given the fact that the Germans were attempting to accelerate the production of the new fighter, this was seen as a huge advantage over the He 112.

In late 1937 Ernst Udet, who was at that time the director of the RLM technical development sector, visited the Heinkel company Marienehe Test Site. There he informed Heinkel that his He 112 was rejected as a fighter. Possibly to compensate for the huge investment in the fighter project, Heinkel company was permitted to export the He 112.

Heavy Fighter Role

Parallel with the development of the first fighter aircraft, the RLM was also interested in the so-called Zerstorer (heavy fighter). This aircraft was to be armed with cannons and machine guns. Heinkel proposed that the V6 be armed with a 2 cm MG C/30L cannon placed in the centerline of the engine. According to D. Bernard the V6 was designated for further testing, under real combat conditions, and would be sent to Spain at the end of 1936. It would be lost there in a landing accident in July 1937. Ernst Heinkel was likely dissatisfied with this outcome, as Messerschmitt once again triumphed as its Bf 110 would be accepted for this role.

The A and B series

Despite being inferior to the Bf 109, the Heinkel company continued working on the He 112, improving its design, in the hopes of gaining the attention of the RLM. The construction of the limited production He 112 A-0 series was still underway, with a total of only six aircraft (D-ISJY, D-IXHU, D-IZMY, and D-IXEU) built. The last two aircraft of the A-0 series received no registration numbers, as they were intended to be sold to Japan. The remaining four aircraft were used for various proposals. For example, the A-01 aircraft was to be used as a base for the proposed He 112 C-0 aircraft carrier modification, which was never implemented. The A-02 and A-04 were used for further flight tests. The A-03 was mainly used as an exhibit aircraft for various European aviation exhibitions, which were quite common before the war.

The A-series was built in small numbers and mostly employed for testing various equipment and design changes. [luftwaffephotos.com]
The A-series was built in small numbers, as Heinkel’s attention moved to the B-0 series instead. The B-0 series was quite different from the previous version, as it introduced a number of changes and modifications. Some of which included a new cockpit design, more powerful armament, changes to the engine ventilation design, fuselage and engine cowling changes, and other modifications.. The forerunner of the B series was the He 112 V7 prototype, which included many modifications previously mentioned.

Following the unsuccessful attempt to gain the Luftwaffe’s attention Heinkel and his team of engineers began working on redesigning the He 112. The basis for the next version, the He 112B-0, the V7 (D-IKIK) was reused. It incorporated a newly redesigned wings and tail unit, and was to be powered by a 1,000 hp Daimler DB 600A engine. Heinkel officials and Hertel himself were hoping that this new version could potentially persuade RLM to reconsider the He 112. Following it was the V9 (D-IGSI), which was powered by a weaker 680 hp Jumo 210E engine. In the following months, work on the B-series was intensified with many different engines being tested (Jumo 210E, 210G etc). Ultimately meager export sales, and the RLM’s rejection of the He 112 by the start of 1939 forced Heinkel to finally terminate the project.

The B-series was in many aspects a complete redesign from the previous series. Including the introduction of a new tail unit, and part of the fuselage, to name a few [luftwaffephotos.com]

Rocket Engine Tests

Prior to the Second World War, the Germans were quite interested in the experimentation and the development of rocket technology. Various tests conducted by Dr. Wernher von Braun were carried out at the Kummersdorf-West test centers. While this research eventually led to the creation of the infamous V-2 rocket, the development of rocket engines that were intended to possibly be installed in aircraft is often overlooked. Ernst Heinkel was quite a supporter of this project and even donated a number of aircraft to be used as testbeds for the potential new engine. He even donated a few pre-production series He 112 for this research.

A rocket engine was installed in the rear of the fuselage, with the engine nozzle being placed just beneath the tail unit. During the first ground test, the engine exploded, destroying the aircraft (He 112 A-01) in the process. Another He 112 V3 aircraft was outfitted with the rocket engine and was being prepared to conduct its first test flight. As the pilot was approaching this aircraft, the rocket engine exploded again. Somewhat miraculously the pilot survived with no major injuries. While again the aircraft was lost, another aircraft that was built as a replacement would receive the same markings.

The V3 prior to the start of testing. Which would spectacularly explode shortly after the picture was taken. [luft46.com]
Von Braun requested another aircraft which Henkel provided, this was the He 112 V8. During these trials it received a slightly altered designation V8/U. The plane was to ascend on its own piston engine. Then at a certain height, it was to fire the rocket engine wich was placed to the rear of the fuselage for a 30-second burst. This flight test was carried out in April 1937 and was more than successful. During the short burst, the plane reached a speed of 460 km/h (286 mph). The He 112 V8 was returned to Heinkel but two more aircraft (H7/U and A-03) would be donated for the rocket research program. The V8 would be eventually sent to Spain in 1937 and its final fate is unknown. Thanks to the He 112, the German rocket engine program gained a huge boost, which would eventually lead to the He 176 and later Me 163.

Technical Characteristics

The He 112 was an all-metal single-engine fighter. The monocoque fuselage consisted of a metal base covered by riveted stress metal sheets. The wing was slightly gulled, with the wingtips bending upward, had the same construction as the fuselage with a combination of the metal construction covered in stressed metal sheets.

During its development life, a great number of different types of engines were tested on the He 112. For the main production version, He 112 B-2, the 700 hp Jumo 210G liquid-cooled engine was used. With this engine the maximum speed achieved was 510 km/h (317 mph). For the Jumo engine, an all-metal three blade variable pitch propeller was used. The He 112 had a fuel capacity of 101 liters in two wing mounted tanks, with a third 115 liter tank placed under the pilot seat

The landing gear were more or less standard in design. They consisted of two larger landing wheels that retracted into the wings, and one smaller wheel placed at the rear. The He 112 landing gear was wide enough to provide good ground handling and stability during take-off or landing.

The pilot cockpit received a number of modifications. Initially, it was open with a simple windshield placed in front of the pilot. Later models had a sliding canopy that was either partially or fully glazed.

While the armament was changed during the He 112’s production, the last series was equipped with two 7.92 mm MG 17 machine guns and two 2 cm Oerlikon MG FF cannons. The ammunition load for each machine gun was 500, with 60 rounds each for the cannons. If needed, two bomb racks could be placed under the wings, with one per side. Each could carry one 10 kg anti-personnel bomb. For the acquisition of targets, the pilot used the Revi 3b gun sight.

Brief Service with the Luftwaffe

Despite losing to the Bf 109, Heinkel was permitted, after some lobbying from Ernst Heinkel himself, to send one He 112 to Spain for combat evaluation. Once it reached Spain during the end of 1936, the He 112 was allocated to the Experimental Fighter Unit 88 which was part of the Condor Legion. In Spain, it was mostly used against ground targets. One of its greatest successes happened during an attack on the Republican-held Cesena train station. The pilot, Obereutnant Balthasar, made three attack runs in which he managed to destroy an armored car and a tank. The aircraft would be lost in a landing accident that happened in July 1937. Two more prototypes would be sent to Spain during 1938, the V8 and V9. The V8 was heavily damaged during initial trials and spent some four months in repairs. The V9 had a better service life, as it was used in a number of ground attacks. Both aircraft would be returned to Germany by the end of 1938.

Only a small number of He 112 (less than 20) saw limited service with the Luftwaffe in 1938 [luftwaffephotos.com]
In 1938 a possible conflict with Czechoslovakia and the Western Allies, France, and the United Kingdom over the dispute caused huge concern in the RLM. The Luftwaffe was simply not ready for open war, as it was not yet fully equipped. For this Reason, the RLM instructed that all available aircraft be relocated to the Luftwaffe to temporarily boost their readiness numbers. An unknown number of He 112 B, taken from the Japanese purchase order, were temporarily pressed into service. These were allocated to the IV./JG 132 station at Oschatz. In November they relocated to Mahrish-Trubau. Once the crisis was over, the aircraft were replaced with the Bf 109. The pilots that had the chance to fly them gave a generally positive review of their flying performance.

Export Attempts

As mentioned earlier, the He 112 was permitted to be exported abroad if there were any interested customers. This order was officially given at the end of January 1938. A number of countries such as Austria, Japan, Romania, and Finland showed interest, but only a few actually managed to procure aircraft.

Negotiation with Austria

During November 1937 an Austrian delegation visited Heinkel with a desire to enter into a purchase agreement for acquiring 42 He 112B aircraft. Due to lack of funds, this order was reduced to 36 at the start of 1938. Eventually, nothing came of this as the Germans simply took over Austria in March 1938.

In Japanese Hands

At the end of 1937, a Japanese delegation made a contract with Heinkel for purchasing 30 He 112B’s. If these proved to be satisfactory, an additional order for 100 would be placed. This order included 2 He 112 A-0, 6 B-0, and 21 B-1 and the V11 prototype. After a series of tests, the Japanese were not impressed with the He 112 and did not accept it for service. The experimental He 112 C aircraft carrier version was also sold to Japan, according to D. Bernard.

J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay provide a completely different story. According to them, Japan expressed an interest in buying 30 He 112B-0 aircraft, with the first group of 12 aircraft arriving in Japan in 1938. While the remaining 18 were to arrive soon after, the Sudeten crisis changed the plan. The Germans were preparing for a potential war with Czechoslovakia and needed every possible aircraft. So they requisitioned the aircraft intended for Japan. Once the crisis was over, Heinkel offered to ship these delayed aircraft to Japan, which rejected the offer. The Japanese were disappointed with the He 112 B-0 performance and decided to cancel the purchase. The sources also conflicted with each other if the He 112 in Japanese service ever saw action.

In Spain

Some three He 112 were tested during the Spanish civil war. Thanks to this, Francisco Franco’s forces had some insight into the He 112’s performance. Based on this, Spain initially asked for 12 aircraft. The order would be eventually increased to 18 aircraft. Interestingly, Spanish pilots managed to shoot down an Allied P-38 that likely accidentally entered the Spanish air space while flying the He-112B-0 in 1943.

He 112 in Spain’s service. [luftwaffephotos.com]

In Romania

Romania initially asked for 24 aircraft, with the order later increased to 30 He 112 aircraft. These arrived from June to October (or September) 1939. The Romanian He 112 would be used during 1941 against the Soviet Union. The following year, all would be allocated for pilot training.

Romanian He 112 even saw service against the Soviet Forces during 1941. [luftwaffephotos.com]

Hungary

The last nation that operated the He 112 was Hungary. In September 1937 a delegation from Hungary visited Heinkel where they inspected the He 112. This delegation was satisfied with what they saw and ordered 36 aircraft, but also showed interest in a licensed production. Ultimately the RLM rejected this offer and only one aircraft ever reached Hungary.

Other Unsuccessful Negotiations

Prior to the war, Heinkel organized a series of demonstrations of the He 112B to various interested European air forces. These include Yugoslavia, The Netherlands, Finland, Turkey, and Switzerland. While many of these parties were interested, for various reasons, chiefly budget constraints, nothing came of these negotiations.

Production

The production numbers of the He 112 are not clear and vary widely depending on the source. According to F.A.Vajda and P. Dancey the production run was as follows with 3 in 1935, 11 in 1936, 13 in 1937, 30 in 1938, and 46 in 1939 for a total of 103 aircraft. Author D. Berliner mentioned a number of 66 aircraft being built. Author Duško N. gave a number of 68 aircraft of all versions being built. D. Bernard gave us a number of 98 aircraft. While C. Chants mentioned a number of 110 aircraft.

Prototype and Production Versions

  • He 112 V1-V – Prototype series used for testing of various engines and overall design
  • He 112 A – Planed main production version, which was not adopted
  • He 112 B – Extensively modified versions of preceding models
    • He 112 B-1 – Equipped with a Jumo 210E engine
    • He 112 B-2 – Equipped with a Jumo 210G engine
    • He 112 B-3 – Proposed version powered by a Daimler DB 601A engine, none built
  • He 112 C – A proposed aircraft carrier version, only one prototype was built and sold to Japan
  • He 112 E – Intended as an export version, based on the B series
  • He 112 U – Propaganda aircraft, which was actually based on the He 100

Operators

  • Germany – Briefly operated a small number of the He 112
  • Japan – Operated some 12 to 30 aircraft mainly for testing
  • Spain – Operated less than 20 He 112 aircraft
  • Romania – Purchased some 24 to 30 He 112, which saw combat action against the Soviet Union
  • Hungary – Purchased one He 112
  • Austria – Planned to acquire 42 He 112, but nothing came from this as it was annexed by Germany.

Conclusion

The He 112 during its brief service life was shown to be a good fighter aircraft. It proved to be a worthy competitor to the Bf 109. It’s quite difficult to pinpoint the exact circumstances that ultimately led to its downfall. Sources often mention that one of the main reasons was political involvement, which favored Messerschmitt. Political quarrels in Germany often influenced decision to adopt aircraft during the war. This factor was surely at play when the fate of the He 112 was decided. But a more practical answer was simply that the Bf 109, while shown to have good flying performance, was also cheaper and easier to build than the He 112. Given that at that time, the Luftwaffe was in the middle of a huge reorganization and rearmament effort, conditions certainly favored the Bf 109. The He 112’s constant design changes did not help either.

He 112B-2 Specifications

Wingspans 29 ft 10 in / 9.1 m
Length 30 ft 2 in / 9.22 m
Height 12 ft 7 in / 3.82 m
Wing Area 180 ft² / 17 m²
Engine One 700 hp Jumo 210G liquid-cooled engine
Empty Weight 3,570 lbs / 1,620 kg
Maximum Takeoff Weight 4,960 lbs / 2,250 kg
Climb Rate to 6 km In 10 minutes
Maximum Speed 317 mph / 510 km/h
Cruising speed 300 mph / 484 km/h
Range 715 miles / 1,150 km
Maximum Service Ceiling 31,170 ft / 9,500 m
Crew 1 pilot
Armament
  • Two 20 mm cannons and two machine guns 7.92 mm  machine guns

Illustrations by Godzilla

He 112 as seen during its brief service with the Luftwaffe
An alternate livery of the Luftwaffe He 112
He 112 in Romanian Service
He 112 in Romanian Service
He 112 v5 as it was tested by Japan

Credits

  • Written by Marko P.
  • Edited by by Ed Jackson & Henry H.
  • Illustrations by Godzilla

Sources

  • Duško N. (2008) Naoružanje Drugog Svetsko Rata-Nemаčaka. Beograd.
  • D. Monday (2006) The Hamlyn Concise Guide To Axis Aircraft OF World War II, Bounty Books.
  • D. Berliner (2011) Surviving fighter aircraft of World War two, Pen and sword
  • F.A.Vajda and P. Dancey (1998) German aircraft industry and production 1933-1945, Airlife Publishing Ltd.
  • J. R. Smith and A. L. Kay (1990) German Aircraft of the Second World War, Putnam
  • D. Bernard (1996) Heinkel He 112 in Action, Signal Publication
  • R.S. Hirsch, U, Feist and H. J. Nowarra (1967) Heinkel 100, 112, Aero Publisher
  • C. Chants (2007) Aircraft of World War II, Grange Books.